Tag: Donald Trump

  • Why RFK Jr. and Trump can’t be trusted on measles vaccine safety

    Why RFK Jr. and Trump can’t be trusted on measles vaccine safety

    A brouhaha recently broke out among Pennsylvania’s governor, the new head of the CDC, Health and Human Services head Robert F. Kennedy Jr., and various health agencies in the state about whether two infant deaths in Lancaster County, Pa., were caused by the measles. And now more measles-related deaths are further complicating the dispute.

    Two facts are important to keep in mind.

    One is that with a total of nearly 700 measles cases across 36 counties so far this year, maximum information from the Pennsylvania Department of Health about the deaths — particularly the deaths of the infants in Lancaster County — is needed in order to prevent further harm.

    And two, nothing the federal government has to say about measles is trustworthy.

    On Aug. 26, Kennedy told reporters, “We’re doing a better job than any country in the world at controlling the measles outbreak.” He made the same claim in congressional testimony earlier this year, arguing that measles is surging worldwide and the outbreak here is simply part of a global problem.

    It isn’t.

    Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. speaks during a meeting to sign an executive order about vaccines in the Oval Office last month.Jacquelyn Martin

    Kennedy is not telling the truth. His anti-vaccine efforts, along with President Donald Trump’s unhinged attacks on the measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) shots — given in two doses to kids before entering kindergarten — have set off a 35-year high incidence of the disease in the U.S.

    What is causing the rapid return of measles is a never-before-seen decline in vaccination rates. This has led to an explosion in measles cases that is, contrary to Kennedy’s assertions, worse than in many other countries.

    Let’s look at the numbers.

    So what is going on elsewhere?

    The WHO European Region cut measles cases by 73% between 2024 and 2025. The U.S. saw an increase: 2,289 cases in all of 2025, and 3,294 already in 2026 — the highest number since 1991.

    Cases are falling in Canada and flat in the U.K. Furthermore, our rate of measles per million people is much higher than Japan’s or Australia’s.

    Why are we doing so poorly?

    Kennedy blames measles coming in from other nations. So does U.S. Rep. Byron Donalds, a Republican from Florida who is running for governor. He keeps pointing to “rampant illegal immigration” during the Biden administration for measles outbreaks.

    Those claims are based on misinformation and bigotry about foreigners.

    A total of 16 measles cases have been reported among international visitors to the United States, whereas 95% of U.S. cases this year are outbreak-associated — meaning they reflect domestic spread.

    Ninety-five percent of those cases occurred in unvaccinated or unknown vaccination status individuals.

    While some cases do have travel-related origins, the spread of measles is a domestic policy failure caused by falling vaccination rates. Other countries have tourists and immigrants, too — but only the U.S. is continuing to see rapidly increasing infection rates.

    Jessica Early holds a vial of the combination measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) vaccine at Prisma Health Pediatrics in Greer, S.C., in March.Mary Conlon

    In the United States, kindergarten MMR coverage has slipped from 95.2% to 92.4%, with vaccine exemptions at a record 4.2%. In some states, the coverage is as low as around 75% — creating perfect conditions for the spread of the highly contagious disease.

    Our national leaders keep pouring inaccurate fuel on the epidemic.

    They suggest autism is a risk from the measles vaccine, that the combined MMR vaccine is lethally dangerous, that kids get too many shots, and that the MMR shot is losing efficacy every year. None of that is true.

    What is true is that measles is a dangerous disease that can cause seizures, immune problems, pneumonia, deafness, or contribute to deaths. Each case can cost as much as nearly $60,000, including the public health response.

    We can’t fight this preventable plague using incorrect data, misinformation, and outright lies. America’s kids deserve so much better.

    Arthur Caplan is a retired professor of medical ethics, soon to be moving to Medford, N.J. Samuel Howard is an undergraduate student at the School of Humanities and Sciences at Stanford University.

  • Planned Parenthood clinics now offering hormone replacement therapy, menopause care

    Planned Parenthood clinics now offering hormone replacement therapy, menopause care

    Philadelphia-area women can now seek relief from hot flashes, night sweats, and other menopause symptoms from a health provider better known for supporting their reproductive choices earlier in life.

    Planned Parenthood clinics around the region are now offering menopause hormone replacement therapy and perimenopause care and will begin providing vasectomies next year, in an effort to reach more patients and diversify services at a time when the nonprofit’s federal funding remains under fire because it is the nation’s largest abortion provider.

    Local Planned Parenthood clinics lost millions of dollars this year when Republicans prevented the organization from billing Medicaid for services, and some were forced to stop accepting patients with the publicly funded insurance coverage. Medicaid access was restored in July, but conservatives who oppose abortion have vowed to pursue more funding cuts after the midterm elections this fall.

    One way clinics have responded to ongoing financial and political attacks is by adding services that attract new patients who can pay out-of-pocket or with private insurance.

    New patients accounted for nearly a third of the 350 patients who came to Planned Parenthood Southeastern Pennsylvania clinics for menopause treatment last year, when the service was rolled out.

    The program has been popular in part because patients can typically get appointments within a week, said Dayle Steinberg, CEO of the Southeastern Pennsylvania affiliate, which operates clinics in Chester, Delaware, Montgomery, and Philadelphia Counties.

    Planned Parenthood Keystone began offering menopause and perimenopause care at its clinics in Allentown, Bensalem, Harrisburg, Lancaster, Reading, Wilkes-Barre, and York earlier this month.

    The Keystone affiliate plans to begin offering vasectomies at its Allentown location next year.

    “When we look at ways to be resilient, looking at service opportunities that speak to people of a variety of ages, sexual orientation and gender is going to be vital,” said Melissa Reed, CEO of the Keystone affiliate.

    Expanding reproductive health services

    With roughly 600 health centers nationally, Planned Parenthood is the largest abortion provider in the country. It is also a leading resource for family planning, sexual health education, and gynecological care, often operating in underserved communities where patients are more likely to be uninsured or covered by government insurance.

    At the Southeastern Pennsylvania network, eight out of 10 patients come for routine exams, tests for sexually transmitted diseases, contraception, family planning guidance, or other reproductive healthcare.

    The clinics serve women and men and provide gender-affirming care.

    Local Planned Parenthood leaders said the new menopause services are a natural extension of the organization’s reproductive healthcare.

    “For so long, women’s symptoms in menopause have been dismissed or ignored,” Reed said. “This is an important part of a woman’s reproductive health journey.”

    The organization is also capitalizing on surging interest in menopause and perimenopause in recent years, as high-profile public figures speak out about a midlife challenge long considered taboo. Revised health guidance now underscores the safety and benefits of treatment options.

    As a result, doctors often have long waitlists for appointments. And pharmacies struggle to keep in stock the hormone medications that have gained popularity as a way to control side effects, such as hot flashes, disrupted sleep, and bone degeneration.

    Planned Parenthood providers can counsel patients on hormonal and emotional changes associated with menopause and perimenopause, and write prescriptions for hormone therapy or other medications.

    Ongoing federal threats

    Planned Parenthood faced a financial crisis when President Donald Trump’s 2025 signature spending plan included new rules that prevented the organization from billing Medicaid for services.

    The two Philadelphia-area affiliates estimated they would lose about $3 million in revenue. The Keystone clinics temporarily stopped accepting Medicaid patients.

    They resumed seeing Medicaid patients in July, when the ban was lifted at the end of the fiscal year.

    The Southeastern Pennsylvania affiliate relied on fundraising and donations to continue caring for Medicaid patients who were no longer able to pay.

    But leaders acknowledged the approach was unsustainable.

    “This isn’t something you can fundraise your way out of,” Signe Espinoza, vice president of public policy and advocacy at the Southeastern Pennsylvania affiliate told The Inquirer in March. “We don’t want to turn patients away, but we know that eating the cost is not a sustainable model.”

    The organization has since begun offering more advanced OB-GYN services and expanded clinic hours. Leaders routinely survey community members to learn more about what other services they would like to see at Planned Parenthood.

    Some of the ideas patients and community members have suggested include postpartum and prenatal care, and fertility services.

    The organization isn’t ready to expand to include those types of services yet, but “we’re feeling much more optimistic in our ability to move forward,” Steinberg said.

  • Philly DA Larry Krasner faces legal and political uncertainty after a judge said he may have committed crimes

    Philly DA Larry Krasner faces legal and political uncertainty after a judge said he may have committed crimes

    A federal judge’s statement this week that Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner may have committed crimes while running his office came as part of a lengthy battle in a complex post-conviction case.

    But the fallout is likely just beginning.

    The stunning remarks by U.S. District Judge Paul S. Diamond — that Krasner may be guilty of conspiracy or obstruction of justice, and that federal prosecutors should investigate — triggered uncertainty over the future of one of the city’s top elected officials, who is a nationally recognized leader of the progressive prosecutor movement.

    It amounts to the latest unprecedented episode of Krasner’s tumultuous tenure as the city’s district attorney — a stretch in which he has also been impeached by the state House, excoriated by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, and seen two of his highest-ranking deputies face disbarment and suspension in federal court.

    Legal experts said Diamond’s decision to refer actions by Krasner and one of his supervisors to the U.S. Attorney’s Office would almost certainly lead to an inquiry of some kind. But the fate of any possible probe into Krasner not only was difficult to predict, they said, but could take months or longer to determine.

    Political repercussions could arise as well.

    While Krasner’s Republican enemies reiterated their long-held disdain for the reform-oriented prosecutor, no elected Democrats immediately came to his defense. And some Democrats in the city have quietly begun discussing potential contingency plans if Krasner is forced from office before the end of his third term in 2030.

    Krasner, for his part, has denied wrongdoing, and said in a statement that he planned to appeal Diamond’s ruling, in which the judge also disqualified Krasner and a lawyer in his office, Matthew Stiegler, from participating in the underlying case — a matter in which a man is seeking to have his murder conviction overturned.

    Here is a recap of what led to Diamond’s scathing filing, and what might be next for Krasner.

    What happened in the underlying case?

    The case at issue began in 2015, when Dennis Johnson — found guilty in 2009 of second-degree murder — filed a petition in federal court seeking to have his conviction overturned.

    For years, the district attorney’s office opposed Johnson’s bid for relief. But in 2022, then-Assistant District Attorney Jaclyn Mason filed a brief reversing course and agreeing that his trial counsel had been ineffective.

    This spring, while preparing for a hearing before Diamond about the case, Mason said, she reached out to new supervisors in the law division: Katherine Ernst, Steven Wildberger, David Napiorski, and Peter Andrews. And Ernst said when she reviewed Mason’s brief, she discovered it contained “significant errors,” and the supervisors decided they needed to try to withdraw it.

    Mason thought they were setting her up to take the blame, so she quit. And in her resignation letter, she said that Stiegler — her onetime boss — had forced her to file a faulty brief and that she would not lie or mislead the court to protect him.

    After that, the supervisors testified, Stiegler proposed an unusual path forward, effectively suggesting they find a way to cast Mason as a “rogue” prosecutor prone to making mistakes.

    Stiegler also shared his proposal with Krasner, the supervisors said, and the district attorney told them he thought it was a “really good idea.”

    But the supervisors rejected it, they said. Wildberger told Diamond he found the notion “tremendously inappropriate.”

    From internal disagreements to potential crimes

    Krasner ultimately did agree to let the supervisors try to withdraw Mason’s brief. But he and the supervisors then got into heated arguments about whether to refer the case to state prosecutors — something the supervisors thought was appropriate because of the internal drama consuming their office.

    As the referral debate raged on, the supervisors said, Krasner told them the case needed to stay in-house so someone could “protect the office” and “control the proceedings.” He also threatened “consequences” if any of them told Diamond about their discussions — which they took to mean being fired.

    Diamond, in his memorandum, said threatening people’s jobs when they are trying to tell the truth to a judge could amount to obstruction of justice, as could attempting to conceal the truth about Stiegler’s role in the drafting of Mason’s brief.

    He also said Krasner’s attempts to work with Stiegler to create a false narrative about Mason could amount to conspiracy.

    And while the judge said he found the supervisors and Mason to have testified credibly, he said Stiegler may have committed perjury, calling his testimony “often contradictory, evasive, or outright dishonest.”

    Will Krasner actually face charges?

    For those reasons, Diamond said, he sent the case to the U.S. Attorney’s Office to investigate if Krasner or Stiegler should be charged.

    Diamond, as a judge, does not have the power to prosecute the case himself. And how or if prosecutors decide to proceed remains an open question — and one that might remain unclear for some time.

    Legal experts said it is rare, though not unprecedented, for judges to refer potential wrongdoing to prosecutors. And any time that happens, they said, prosecutors take it seriously — reviewing any materials the judge disclosed, deliberating paths forward, and potentially empaneling a grand jury to begin calling witnesses.

    Still, full criminal investigations often take months or years to conduct. And such probes — conducted in secret — can go in unexpected directions. Sometimes that might mean a broader discovery of wrongdoing than was initially expected. Other times, investigations can close without charges.

    Also unclear is whether the local U.S. Attorney’s Office would oversee any potential investigation into Krasner — or if staffers from elsewhere in the Justice Department might be called on to handle it, since Philadelphia-based federal prosecutors often work on cases with lawyers in Krasner’s office.

    A spokesperson for the U.S. Attorney’s Office declined to comment on Diamond’s memorandum.

    Krasner has made no secret of his antipathy for President Donald Trump, and Trump, in his second term, has been unabashed about asking the Justice Department to prosecute political foes. It was not clear how or if that might influence prosecutors’ course of action in this case.

    Whatever might happen, experts said, one thing was generally clear: A referral from a federal judge targeting an elected district attorney was practically unheard of.

    “I really cannot think of an equivalent situation,” said Lauren Ouziel, a Temple University Beasley Law School professor and former federal prosecutor.

    Michael Levy, who worked as a federal prosecutor in Philadelphia for nearly 40 years before retiring in 2019, said: “For a judge to do this, it’s really unusual.”

    Could Krasner face other consequences?

    Even if Krasner and Stiegler are not criminally charged, they could still face additional consequences.

    If the case is referred to the federal court’s disciplinary committee, for example, a panel of judges could seek to determine whether any of the prosecutors involved behaved in a way that would warrant a suspension or disbarment from practicing in federal court.

    That would likely be detrimental to Stiegler, who has spent much of his career working on federal cases. But it would be even more problematic for Krasner — and could raise questions about whether he could continue to serve as the city’s district attorney.

    Still, similar to any criminal investigation, the disciplinary process — which is largely confidential — would also likely be lengthy. When some of Krasner’s deputies were disbarred or suspended in federal court in 2025, those outcomes came about three years after a federal judge said he was sending the case out for a disciplinary review.

    Diamond did not specify if he was referring the matter to the region’s chief federal judge, the first step in a potential disciplinary inquiry. Legal experts said prosecutors — if they investigate — would likely prefer to have their probe take precedent over any potential disciplinary proceeding.

    Will there be political fallout?

    Outside of the legal realm, Krasner, a Democrat, has faced political attempts to oust him before.

    In 2022, the Republican-led Pennsylvania House voted to impeach Krasner, saying he had not adequately enforced state laws and, by extension, had contributed to the city’s gun violence crisis.

    Krasner denied the allegations, and appellate courts — including the Pennsylvania Supreme Court — later agreed with various arguments he made describing the process as improper.

    State Rep. Martina White, a Republican from Northeast Philadelphia who led the impeachment drive against Krasner, on Wednesday called for him to resign, saying in a statement that “Philadelphia needs a reliable DA, not a defendant-in-waiting.”

    Few top Democrats defended Krasner.

    Mayor Cherelle L. Parker declined to comment this week, as did City Council President Kenyatta Johnson, who supported Krasner’s bid for reelection last year.

    Some activists on the progressive left said they still support Krasner and see Diamond’s referral as politically motivated. Diamond was appointed by former President George W. Bush, a Republican, in 2004.

    “This is unfortunately a continuation of the right’s assault on DA Krasner and the policies that he’s implemented,” said Robert Saleem Holbrook, executive director of the progressive political group Straight Ahead. “This is a judge using an internal conflict in the office to further the objective of removing Krasner from office.”

    Krasner has proved politically resilient over the years, winning three terms despite the impeachment drive and opposition from elected officials in his own party, said Sergio Cea, political director of the progressive group Reclaim Philadelphia.

    Krasner, he said, is “like Teflon.”

    “He is somebody that has consistently, without the Democratic establishment support, won primary after primary,” he said. “And that is because he is wildly popular with Philly voters who are tired of status quo district attorneys who are more focused on filling jails than achieving justice.”

    A ‘devastating’ environment

    Krasner, meanwhile, is not in the office this week, according to people familiar with his whereabouts. First he was on a recruiting trip in Washington, they said, then he was headed on a pre-planned personal trip to Ireland.

    Inside the office Wednesday, staffers said they were sharing feelings of dismay and fatigue from years of upheaval and political headlines under Krasner’s leadership. Several prosecutors, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to speak candidly about a sensitive matter, said they have endured the impeachment saga, mass firings, and the departure of veteran staffers.

    And although some said Diamond’s ruling was not entirely surprising — the judge had signaled at a previous hearing that he might refer the matter to federal prosecutors — they also anticipated that any investigation could stretch on for months or even years.

    One longtime prosecutor called the allegations “devastating” and said the reputation of the office “has been reduced to rubble.”

  • The first Colored Convention was held in Philadelphia in 1830. Mother Bethel AME Church will revive it this weekend.

    The first Colored Convention was held in Philadelphia in 1830. Mother Bethel AME Church will revive it this weekend.

    To Denise Burgher, co-organizer of this weekend’s 2026 Colored Convention Conference, the attack on civil rights and Black history under President Donald Trump’s administration is chilling.

    Among the most egregious, she said, were his attempts to repeal the 14th Amendment, the Reconstruction-era addition to the Constitution guaranteeing citizenship to anyone born in the United States. In June, the Supreme Court upheld birthright citizenship.

    “The 14th Amendment overturned the Dred Scott Decision of 1857 ruling Black people — freed or enslaved — do not have the same rights as [their] white counterparts,” Burgher said. “Without that protection, Black Americans’ citizenship would be in question. Don’t think that could happen? We thought a woman’s right to chose was set in stone, too.”

    A flyer advertising the 2026 Colored Convention: Black Freedom Movements Then and Now.2026 Colored Convention Committtee

    Burgher went on: Last week Trump threatened to snatch the tax exempt status from private schools that give minority students access to scholarships and educational programs, including at historically Black colleges and universities like Howard and Hampton.

    Add to that the dismal unemployment rate of college-educated Black women, who, according to D.C. think tank Economic Policy Institute, have lost more jobs in the public sector than Black men and white women in the last two years. Plus, the assault on Black history, including last week’s forced retirement of the Smithsonian secretary, Lonnie Bunch III, and the abrupt removal of memorials to enslaved souls at the President’s House site in Philadelphia.

    It’s clear Black equality in this political climate is not guaranteed.

    “We haven’t seen a threat like this on Black livelihood in this country since the post-Reconstruction era,” said Burgher, who is also the director of community engagement and curriculum development at Penn State’s Center for Black Digital Research. “This part of American history was a part of our past, now, it is not so suddenly aggressively and nakedly a part of our present.”

    A 19th-century America, she said, calls for 19th-century tactics.

    This weekend, Mother Bethel AME will host the “2026 Colored Convention: Black Freedom Movements Here and Now,” a celebration of the first Colored Convention held almost 200 years ago at the church. Dozens of influential free Black clergymen, statesmen, and activists convened at the 1830 Colored Convention and laid the foundation for civil rights groups like the Niagara Movement and the NAACP.

    This print from Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper depicts the National Convention of Colored Citizens’ meeting in the House of Representatives in New Orleans, in April 1872.The Library of Congress

    These organizations agitated for civil rights through the Civil War, Reconstruction, Jim Crow and into the 1960s, said Carolyn C. Cavaness, Mother Bethel’s pastor who tapped Burgher and Derrick Spires, historian and associate professor of English at the University of Delaware, to reignite the Colored Convention’s legacy.

    “To reclaim and be challenged by such a movement … is of much worth and esteem,” Cavaness said. “We are literally in a struggle now for equality and fairness of all people.”

    This weekend’s Colored Convention will feature workshops on genealogy, activism, and the 18th- and 19th-century Black press. Philadelphia school children will attend Thursday for arts and crafts projects that will teach them about the history of the Colored Convention.

    Andre E. Johnson, codirector of the Colored Conventions Project and professor at the University of Memphis, will deliver the keynote on the history of the Colored Convention and share how activists can apply 19th-century action plans to 21st-century technology to create a strategy to combat the present crisis.

    “In this year of the Semiquincentennial, this is yet another opportunity for Philadelphians to pay attention to history,” Burgher said, “and look at strategies our ancestors used more than 100 years ago. I’m not going to say the same thing is happening, but the events sure do rhyme.”

    The event will include a voter-registration drive, emphasizing the importance of voting in the midterms.

    Richard Allen founded Mother Bethel in 1794, and by 1830, the church was the cornerstone of the largest free community of African Americans in the country.

    In August of 1829, white mobs burned Black businesses and neighborhoods during the Cincinnati Race Riots. In response to the brutal loss of life and business, free man Hezekiah Grice wrote to Allen, asking the influential pastor to gather free Black intellectuals to strategize. His reasoning was, if white mobs could do this in Cincinnati, what’s to stop them from attacking Black communities everywhere else.

    More than 2,000 Black people from Cincinnati moved to Canada. The first Colored Convention was held from Sept. 20 to Sept. 24 in 1830 at Mother Bethel, resulting in emissaries from Philadelphia asking the Canadian government to allow Black people to establish communities there.

    The Colored Convention held annual meetings at Mother Bethel from 1831-85. By the turn of the 20th century, there were Colored Conventions regularly in nearly every major American city along the Northeast Corridor, in the Midwest, and along the West Coast.

    A statue of Mother Bethel AME Church founder Richard Allen stands on the oldest parcel of land continuously owned by Black Americans in Philadelphia on Oct 13, 2024. (AP Photo/Luis Andres Henao)Luis Andres Henao

    Black leaders from every walk of life attended, among them Frederick Douglass — known as the Lion of the Convention because of his deep oratory voice and big, distinctive hair — poet Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, newspaperman T. Thomas Fortune, and Philadelphia educators Jacob C. White and Charles L. Reason.

    Colored Conventions, Burgher said, became forums for Black leaders to discuss abolition, fugitive slave laws, voting rights, and education. Many Black institutions were born from these conventions, including the charters for Talladega University and Howard University Law School, established in 1865 and 1869, respectively.

    The last Colored Convention on record was in 1972 in Newark, N.J., Burgher said.

    “I hope this 2026 celebration will not only bring this history home,” Burgher said. “And I also hope it inspires Philly residents to respond to the current moment like history has taught us.”

    2026 Colored Convention: Black Freedom Movements Here and Now will take place Thursday, Sept. 17 — Sunday, Sept. 20. Mother Bethel is located at 419 S. Sixth St. Admission is by donation.

  • A judge wouldn’t let Trump put his name on the Kennedy Center. So he closed it.

    A judge wouldn’t let Trump put his name on the Kennedy Center. So he closed it.

    A federal judge wouldn’t let the man-baby in the Oval Office put his name on the Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts. So President Donald Trump shut it down.

    Trump claimed on Truth Social that it was closed “for safety reasons.” He also said renovations won’t happen unless his name can be on the front of the building.

    So there.

    Closing the Kennedy Center is narcissistic even for someone like Trump. His huge ego now stands between Americans and our right to enjoy one of the most beautiful landmarks in Washington, D.C.

    Yes, I’m mad.

    I grew up in the nation’s capital. D.C. residents are in and out of the Kennedy Center like Philadelphians are in and out of the Kimmel Center. During college, I worked as a tour guide, and I never passed by the building without marveling at its beauty.

    A sign is placed on a gate outside the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in Washington, Tuesday.Jacquelyn Martin

    I’m grateful that I got to spend time inside twice in recent months. The first time was in June after I took a train to Washington to see for myself what was going on with the Reflecting Pool and Trump’s renovation fiasco there.

    Afterward, I headed to the Kennedy Center to see if Trump’s name had been removed as a court had ordered. It was hard to tell for certain because a giant white tarp had been placed in front of the building.

    I gazed up at that for a bit before deciding to venture inside. Many performers canceled their shows following Trump’s hostile takeover of the venue’s board of directors, purportedly because the center’s programming was too “woke.”

    A uniformed guard directed us to a massive sunlight-filled dining room with glorious views of the skyline. Our jaws dropped. We practically had it to ourselves. We were the only visitors. A cafeteria worker piled an extra-large helping of teriyaki salmon and rice on my plate, while my sister placed an order for a smash burger. We carried our trays to a table near one of the gigantic windows so we could enjoy the view. The food tasted as good as homemade.

    Inquirer columnist Jenice Armstrong pauses outside an interactive exhibit about the life of President John F. Kennedy inside the Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in Washington, D.C., in June.Jenice Armstrong

    Afterward, we decided to explore the interactive exhibit dedicated to the art and ideals of President John F. Kennedy. We took our time wandering around. Perhaps we sensed that with all the orange spray-tanned storm clouds hovering over the institution, this might be a moment to savor — and that a major change was imminent.

    Reading about the Kennedy era made me nostalgic. My late parents had been huge fans because of Kennedy’s work advancing the cause of civil rights. My mother admired the grace and style of first lady Jacqueline Kennedy so much that she considered naming me after her.

    Kennedy personified youthful optimism. He inspired Americans to be civic-minded and urged people to “Ask not what your country can do for you — ask what you can do for your country.” Kennedy founded the Peace Corps and created the U.S. Agency for International Development, which the Trump administration decimated last year.

    The two presidents couldn’t be more different. Kennedy, a Democrat, was a decorated hero of World War II; Trump never served, reportedly getting five draft deferments, including one by claiming he had bone spurs.

    Trump intentionally stokes racial divisions. He launched his presidential campaign in 2015 by calling Mexicans rapists and drug dealers. Kennedy sent federal troops and U.S. marshals to the Jim Crow South to protect Black civil rights demonstrators.

    I went back to the Kennedy Center about a week later, after returning to the National Mall to write about Trump’s Great American State Fair — which wasn’t so great. This time around, we arrived too late to eat, so we grabbed a few bags of chips and sat in a lobby for a bit.

    Again, I took my time at the exhibit about the life and legacies of the Camelot era. I noted how the first lady back then transformed the White House Rose Garden into an oasis.

    There are no oases allowed in the Trump era, however. He tore up the roses, poured cement over the garden, and rendered it lifeless.

    Sounds a lot like what he’s doing to the Kennedy Center.

  • President Trump’s assault on the midterm election is down but not out | Editorial

    President Trump’s assault on the midterm election is down but not out | Editorial

    At a dark moment for American democracy, it qualifies as a relief that the U.S. Supreme Court has finally acknowledged that the U.S. Postal Service has no legitimate role in running elections. The court’s ruling this week put a well-deserved end to Donald Trump’s plot to interfere with the midterms by steering absentee votes to the dead-letter office. That should give voters welcome assurance that ballots mailed early enough to arrive by Election Day will be counted.

    That said, the court’s all too halting response to this constitutional absurdity is an example of the institutional frailty that has enabled Trump’s assault on our laws and elections. The justices’ willingness to seriously consider such an obviously illegal attempt to suppress votes is one reason Trump can be counted on to continue his efforts to meddle with the midterms.

    The president revealed his plan back in March, when he ordered the U.S. Department of Homeland Security to assemble a list of certified citizens permitted to vote by mail. By June, responding to a lawsuit by Gov. Josh Shapiro and 22 other state officials, a federal judge in Boston blocked the order for the purposes of the midterm elections. U.S. District Judge Indira Talwani noted that the Constitution gives the president no authority to administer elections, which fall squarely under the purview of Congress and the states. An appellate court and a district court in Washington reached similar conclusions.

    The Supreme Court’s six Republican-appointed justices nonetheless allowed the Postal Service to continue developing the plan as late as last month, finding that it was too soon to rule on the matter. It wasn’t until Monday that a majority ruled the notion too dubious and the election too imminent to allow it to proceed. Even then, three of the justices — Samuel Alito, Clarence Thomas, and Brett Kavanaugh — held in separate opinions that the president and postal officials could well possess the authority to deliberately lose our votes in the mail.

    By then the court had allowed this supposed legal riddle to linger unanswered for half a year, long enough that a few states had already issued mail ballots and several Republican-controlled states had joined the objectors. Despite the administration’s ultimate loss in court, some election officials fear the months of uncertainty about absentee voting — a centuries-old practice the president himself engaged in as recently as this summer — served Trump’s purposes by undermining confidence in the electoral process.

    Trump is clearly determined to continue doing that by every available means.

    His Justice Department has demanded access to election data, leading to largely losing litigation in more than half the states, including Pennsylvania and New Jersey. Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin has pushed for federal investigations of voting machines and data based on groundless conspiracy theories. Administration officials have deployed federal agents to trawl the voting rolls for noncitizens and could send more to the polls to intimidate voters. And they have threatened to prosecute state election officials over illegal voting even though no such thing appears to be taking place at any scale.

    These are the paroxysms of an unpopular and unscrupulous regime desperate to dodge the will of voters. The most effective response will be the sort of robust “too big to rig” turnout that overwhelms any petty trickery and begins to limit the president’s power to further undermine democracy.

  • I went to the Flight 93 memorial and witnessed a spirit of unity that’s hard to find elsewhere

    I went to the Flight 93 memorial and witnessed a spirit of unity that’s hard to find elsewhere

    STOYSTOWN, Pa. — There was almost no shade for the thousands who gathered Friday at the memorial plaza near the field where United Airlines Flight 93 crashed on Sept. 11, 2001. The sun was merciless as Red Cross and Salvation Army volunteers handed out water, and people sought refuge amid a few trees by the side of the road.

    But along with the heat, attendees felt something that has become quite unfamiliar for many Americans 25 years after 9/11: unity.

    While the spotlight was on larger events in New York City and Arlington, Va., they saw some of the conflicts we’ve all grown accustomed to. President Donald Trump refused to join his predecessors at ground zero, reportedly because he wouldn’t be allowed to speak. He opted for the Pentagon remembrance instead, where he and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth gave speeches trying to tie the Iran war to the attacks of a generation ago.

    In Lower Manhattan, former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani — who had called for current Mayor Zohran Mamdani to stay away from the event, claiming Muslims “want to dominate us” — at least had the courtesy to shake Mamdani’s hand at the ceremony.

    None of that animus seemed to be present in rural Pennsylvania.

    The speeches by senior National Park Service officials, Gov. Josh Shapiro, and Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum were civil and shared a common theme: The heroism of the passengers who fought back against their hijackers. Flight 93 never made it to its intended target, believed to be the White House or the U.S. Capitol. Instead, it crashed into a desolate field about 90 minutes outside of Pittsburgh.

    There was no ego on display, no inflammatory rhetoric — Democrat Shapiro and Republican Burgum even stood together at the wreath-laying ceremony in a rare show of political unity. The only comment that could be read as political came from Stephen Clark, superintendent of the National Parks of Western Pennsylvania and thus responsible for the Flight 93 memorial, when he reminded people that “history is shaped not only by the powerful, but by everyday individuals who decide to act with courage.”

    Gov. Josh Shapiro (second from left) and Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum (center right) walk past the Wall of Names during a wreath ceremony at the Flight 93 National Memorial on the Sept. 11 anniversary in Stoystown, Pa., Friday.Hannah Beier

    In keeping with that sentiment, it wasn’t just those on stage who kept a unifying tone, as people from all walks of life, diverse ages, and across political persuasions came together in Stoystown to mourn and remember.

    I spotted a lone MAGA hat, and spoke with a woman who claimed 9/11 had been an “inside job,” arguing it was only logical because “the CIA killed JFK, too.” However, there were no loud political outbursts, and in talking with people, the same sober sentiment as from the official speakers was evident.

    Tom and Ryan, who preferred not to share their last names, were among the millions of Americans who learned of the attacks in school and watched the second plane hit the south tower in their grade-school classrooms. While they said they consider themselves conservatives, they felt strongly about not making the memorial a political battleground.

    Speaking to other visitors, a few made comments about the president or Democrats, but the major sentiment surrounding the remembrance stayed clear. They were not there to argue about politics. People were there to remember those who perished on 9/11, particularly the heroes of Flight 93.

    Stoystown was not just a contrast to what we regularly see across the U.S.; it also reminded me how difficult it is to come together even in times of tragedy. In my native Germany, recent terror incidents include the 2016 attack at a Berlin Christmas market by an Islamic extremist, a similar attack in Magdeburg in 2024 by a Saudi Arabian refugee (who described himself as an “ex-Muslim” and expressed far-right sympathies when questioned by authorities), and, most recently, an attack on the Berlin Pride parade in July, this one again being linked to Islamic terrorism.

    While decried broadly, none of these events managed to create the unity I felt in Stoystown. On the contrary, every incident in Germany seems to spark new debates about former Chancellor Angela Merkel’s policy of welcoming migrants during the refugee crisis of the mid-2010s. Even years later, populist parties and their supporters make it mostly about Islamophobia and dividing rhetoric instead of uniting to mourn as one people.

    These ugly, divisive sentiments are present in the U.S., of course, but at least for one day in a field in Pennsylvania, the memory of 9/11 still strengthens a bond that has not been erased by terror, populism, or party politics.

    Wim Orth is a journalist with WELT in Berlin and an Arthur F. Burns fellow at The Inquirer.

  • The Iran war is costing taxpayers up to $3 billion per month as Democrats make it a top campaign issue in Pa. districts

    The Iran war is costing taxpayers up to $3 billion per month as Democrats make it a top campaign issue in Pa. districts

    WASHINGTON — The war in Iran is costing the United States up to $3 billion per month and has tallied more than $38 billion in direct costs to the government since it began more than six months ago and became a flash point in voters’ frustrations over rising prices, according to a new and nonpartisan analysis.

    The estimate, released Tuesday by the Congressional Budget Office after a request from U.S. Rep. Brendan Boyle (D., Philadelphia), mostly represents munitions expenses as of Aug. 1. It does not include some other direct and indirect costs — such as the spike in gas prices felt by consumers — that likely make the total price tag for Americans far higher.

    But with the war on the minds of voters during the midterm elections this fall, the latest tally is the one of the clearest signs yet of the conflict’s impact on taxpayers.

    “It is now concrete evidence that when the administration was pretending like there wasn’t going to be a real cost to this war, they were wrong,” Boyle said in an interview Tuesday. “We have now paid $40 billion, and climbing, on the most reckless decision to go to war of at least my lifetime. So as the people go to the polls this November, they need to recognize that if they are voting for the president’s party, they’re voting for more of this.”

    The top Democrat on the House Budget Committee, Boyle requested the analysis in the first days of the conflict — when President Donald Trump said the campaign would last four or five weeks. The president and his allies said the goals were to root out Iran’s regime and to dismantle its capacity to build a nuclear weapon.

    Democrats and other critics warned of a reckless and potentially yearslong conflict.

    Trying to win control of Congress for the final two years of Trump’s term, they have largely framed their opposition to the war around the economic consequences — marrying an affordability message around rising healthcare and grocery costs with one about gas prices, which they say are even more directly connected to Trump’s actions.

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    Polls and interviews show that message could have an impact in the midterm elections this fall. In Pennsylvania, voters in four key battleground districts will decide whether to keep their Republican members of Congress, each of whom has supported the war to varying degrees.

    “This mess must stop,” Uber driver Miguel Vazquez, 60, of Allentown, said last week while filling up his 2021 Mitsubishi Outlander with $4.53-per-gallon fuel.

    The price of gas has remained elevated and has increased in recent weeks as fighting continues in the oil-rich region. On Tuesday, the average cost of a gallon of gas was $4.50 in Pennsylvania and $4.33 nationally.

    The war in Iran and tariffs have made daily living and working “a nightmare” that can be fixed only by “regime change,” Vazquez said. He said he plans to vote for Democrat Bob Brooks, a challenger to freshman Republican U.S. Rep. Ryan Mackenzie, who represents a swing district that covers the Lehigh Valley and the Poconos.

    “The [Republican] Party listens to Trump, who put us in Iran and set tariffs — making gas, food, and everything else expensive,” said Vazquez, a Democrat. “They have to go.”

    U.S. Rep. Brendan F. Boyle holds a news conference at a Philadelphia gas station to announce legislation to suspend the federal gas tax whenever the national average price of gasoline exceeds $4.00 per gallon, in Philadelphia, Tuesday, April 14, 2026.Jessica Griffin / Staff Photographer

    The cost of war

    The report from the Congressional Budget Office, where nonpartisan staffers analyze federal policy for lawmakers on both sides of the aisle, largely aligns with other estimates of the war’s costs so far.

    The nearly $38.1 billion in direct costs as of Aug. 1 is slightly more than the $37.5 billion figure that Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth noted during congressional testimony in late July.

    The CBO’s estimate includes $21.7 billion to replace expended munitions, $10.4 billion for additional flying hours — which refers to the cost of the military’s deployment of aircraft in the region — and $2.7 billion due to higher fuel prices. The agency was unable to determine other costs, like the damage to U.S. facilities in the region or expenses related to diplomatic operations and foreign aid.

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    The overall price tag also does not include indirect costs that affect the U.S., such as inflation and interest rates — though it notes that both are impacted by the war. For instance, year-over-year inflation is expected to be 0.5 percentage points higher in the first quarter of 2027 because of the war.

    Independent analysts have noted those indirect costs are significant.

    An “Iran war energy cost tracker” from Brown University’s Watson School of International and Public Affairs shows that consumers have felt the brunt of nearly $107 billion in additional gasoline and diesel costs since the start of the war.

    Mark Zandi, the chief economist at Moody’s Analytics, who is based in Chester County, in June pegged the cost at $1,000 for a typical American household. The war has also fueled inflation and led to expectations that the Federal Reserve will raise interest rates this year instead of cutting them, he has said.

    “The net effect of the Iranian conflict on U.S. economic output is unclear at this time,” the CBO report states. “Higher prices erode the purchasing power of U.S. households and businesses, dampening consumption and investment growth. Conversely, supply disruptions increase demand for U.S. energy exports, spurring additional domestic energy production.”

    According to the analysis — for which the Pentagon did not provide information — it will “probably take at least five years” to replenish the significantly depleted weapons stockpile.

    “The shortfall would become especially problematic if a conflict arose with an opponent whose arsenal included large numbers of ballistic and cruise missiles,” the report states, adding that China maintains an arsenal that “would probably play a major role in a military conflict involving Taiwan.”

    The CBO report states that while the ongoing costs of the war are difficult to estimate, the U.S. military action is costing between $2 billion and $3 billion per month, depending on the level of hostilities.

    Fighting in recent weeks has included U.S. Central Command destroying five Iranian crude oil carriers after the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps targeted a U.S. Navy ship with ballistic missiles, Central Command announced last week. Eighteen U.S. service members have died in the war and several hundred have been wounded.

    Election messaging

    Boyle, who represents a safe Democratic district, has taken a leading role in helping craft his party’s response to Trump’s economic policies, including the president’s signature tax-cut bill in 2025 and the expiration of healthcare subsidies at the beginning of this year.

    When Trump unilaterally decided to join Israel in attacking Iran on Feb. 28, Boyle joined other Democrats in quickly denouncing the move and adding it to their list of economic grievances.

    Candidates challenging Republican incumbents in Pennsylvania have taken a similar tack.

    “Six months in, nobody in Washington is treating Iran like the emergency it is for families here,” Democrat Janelle Stelson, who is challenging Republican U.S. Rep. Scott Perry in a Harrisburg-based district, said in a video at a gas station on the six-month anniversary of the conflict.

    Perry, a hard-line conservative from York County, has supported Trump in his war efforts, while Stelson blamed him for the “astronomical” increase in gas prices.

    Perry has voted against Democratic-led war powers resolutions aimed at restricting Trump’s actions in Iran. Mackenzie and U.S. Rep. Rob Bresnahan (R., Luzerne), who are also running in competitive districts that could ultimately determine which party controls the House, have also voted against them.

    U.S. Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R., Bucks), another vulnerable incumbent in a battleground seat, initially supported the war but broke with his party to help Democrats pass a war powers resolution in June.

    Pennsylvania’s U.S. senators, Democrat John Fetterman and Republican Dave McCormick, have also both supported the war, rejecting war powers resolutions multiple times.

    U.S. Sen. Andy Kim (D., N.J.), who worked on national security issues in the Middle East before entering Congress in 2019, called the $38 billion cost “an unfathomable amount.”

    “[E]very family has paid money from their own wallets to fund Trump’s war,” Kim wrote on social media.

    On the campaign trail, Republicans have largely refrained from commenting on the war as they seek to retain control of the House and Senate.

    At the first-ever Republican midterm convention in Dallas last week, dozens of speakers — including Mackenzie, Bresnahan, and McCormick — did not address the largest-scale U.S. military engagement in the Middle East since the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

    Vice President JD Vance’s speech appeared to briefly refer to the disagreements around the war. While talking about Charlie Kirk, the conservative activist killed last year, Vance urged voters not to reject Republicans just because they do not agree with them “on every single issue,” like wars.

    “He just hated war. That was his view,” Vance said of Kirk. “Now, of course, there are people who love what we’ve done and people who don’t. I’m not here to litigate the disagreements between Charlie and some of the people that he disagreed with. But what I’m asking you to do is do what Charlie did. Do not throw the baby out with the bathwater. Don’t give the country over to a bunch of crazy people because you happen to disagree with us on a policy issue here or there.”

    Polls have shown widespread disagreement with Trump over the war. An Inquirer/New York Times/Siena University poll of likely Pennsylvania voters in August found that 30% of Trump’s 2024 voters and 66% of all voters disapproved of his handling of Iran — the most of any issue asked about in the survey. A national poll from the New York Times and Siena University published Tuesday similarly found two-thirds of likely U.S. voters, and three-quarters of independent voters, disapproved of the war.

    “I don’t see a reason to be there and pushing up gas prices,” said three-time Trump voter Greg Kerrick, 58, of Scranton.

    Kerrick said that the president was “mostly doing all right” and that he was supporting Bresnahan, the Republican incumbent, for reelection in the swing district. But he disagreed with the war.

    “I don’t drive but I feel for all the people paying $4.30 or whatever a gallon,” Kerrick said.

    Charles Grasty, 66, of Dickson City in Lackawanna County, said his objection to the war was on moral grounds. The Republican voter said the conflict feels like a grab for oil from Iran’s massive reserves.

    “We are literally trying to take stuff that belongs to other people,” said Grasty, who works for a fabric-manufacturing company near Scranton. “I’m a Christian and I’ve been taught you can’t bully people like that. We have to stay off their soil.”

    Boyle said the conflict is historically unpopular, based on consistent and strong opposition in polls since it began. The CBO report, he said, shows that part of the reason is the growing costs.

    “Americans are essentially paying for this twice,” Boyle said. “They’re paying for it directly through tens of billions of dollars of taxpayer money that is going to fund the war. But then they’re paying for it a second time in terms of increased costs at the pump, increased costs at grocery stores, and increased costs for consumer goods.”

  • Next-door states banned ICE-cop deals. Why not Pa.? | Will Bunch Newsletter

    Next-door states banned ICE-cop deals. Why not Pa.? | Will Bunch Newsletter

    One of the many things we won’t forget about the Trump era is how much the family of POTUS 47 has enriched itself — not only the president but his children, including Donald Trump Jr., who is said to be now worth at least $500 million and growing. So it was no surprise when his second marriage to Palm Beach, Fla.’s Bettina Anderson in May was a lavish affair on two private islands in the Bahamas. What is a surprise — as we now know from some stunning work by a team of reporters from ProPublica — is who paid: a very close associate of Russian dictator Vladimir Putin. So maybe the “Russia, Russia, Russia” folks were onto something?

    If someone forwarded you this email, sign up for free here.

    Pa. Democrats are alarmed at the rapid growth of ICE-police deals. But can they stop them?

    Immigrants’ rights advocacy group members and their supporters hold up letters that read “The people vs 287(g)” during a rally last September in Doylestown against the Bucks County sheriff’s efforts to implement a 287(g) program.Daniella Heminghaus | Bucks Coun

    The big, mostly under-the-radar story around the Donald Trump regime’s relentless push to arrest and remove immigrants from the United States has been this year’s explosion of so-called 287(g) agreements. These allow local cops to act as immigration agents, working collaboratively with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE.

    But if you look at a national map to understand how these 287(g) agreements have spiked from just 135 when Trump retook office in January 2025 to more than 2,500 such pacts today, you’ll notice that one state sticks out like a sore thumb.

    In Pennsylvania, amped-up promises of federal cash incentives have meant a soaring number of localities where local beat cops are now working with ICE to make arrests — up from just a handful at the start of the year to some 130 now. Most 287(g) collaborators are in Trump-voting pockets of the Keystone State — northeast and south-central Pennsylvania, or out west near the Ohio border.

    But when you look at the rest of the Northeastern United States, the 287(g) map is very sparse. That’s partly because most local pols across the region agree with their constituents about opposing Trump’s mass deportation policies, and in several states it’s also the result of legislation that aims to ban the program altogether.

    In late August, New York enacted the Local Cops, Local Crimes Act — backed and signed by its Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul — which calls on police departments and county sheriffs to terminate their 287(g) agreements, although several counties are still challenging the measure in court. Maryland has a similar law on the books, while New Jersey, which had long prevented such pacts under an attorney general’s directive, also passed a law this spring to codify the ban.

    There’s a growing number of Pennsylvania lawmakers who want to pass a similar law here, but there’s one big problem: Republicans. They control the state Senate in Harrisburg — currently by a 27-23 margin — and GOP lawmakers have no interest in rebuking the president on immigration policy.

    “The reason we exist alone is because of our split legislature,” State Rep. Heather Boyd, a Democrat who represents heavily immigrant Upper Darby and adjacent parts of Delaware County, told me. Last year, Boyd circulated proposed legislation to ban 287(g) deals in Pennsylvania, and while dozens of Democrats in Harrisburg are supportive, any move is on hold until a November election that could shift the balance of power. Boyd said lawmakers are wary of “starting any culture wars” ahead of the vote.

    I pressed the office of Gov. Josh Shapiro, who’s running for a second term and who is seen as a possible top contender for the 2028 Democratic presidential nomination, for his position on reining in the 287(g) program here.

    “Governor Shapiro has been clear that law enforcement should be focused on keeping Pennsylvanians safe — not sowing fear in communities or targeting people who are working hard, raising families, and contributing to our Commonwealth,” his press secretary, Rosie Lapowsky, said. She noted that the governor has barred Pennsylvania State Police from any formal ICE collaboration, and he would urge local police to take a similar stance.

    She added: “Ultimately, however, these decisions rest with local law enforcement agencies. The governor does not have the unilateral authority to dictate whether individual sheriffs or police departments enter into these agreements.”

    Many of those local law enforcement agencies have instead rushed to join 287(g), with ICE promising small-town departments an initial $100,000 cash windfall and additional incentives for training officers to make arrests and to cover the cost of working overtime on the program.

    Last week, I reported from Schuylkill County in east-central Pennsylvania, where some 14 law enforcement agencies have raced to adopt 287(g), more than any other county in the state. Since the spring, local cops there have arrested about 100 immigrants at highway stops or by assisting ICE in job site raids. The blitz has prompted rising complaints about alleged racial profiling, the handcuffing of U.S. citizens, and a sense of fear that permeates a growing Latino community in Pennsylvania coal country.

    Statistics obtained from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security by advocates show that local police in Pennsylvania have arrested and turned over to ICE more than 1,200 immigrants this year — ranking the state fourth in the nation on a list in which the other leading states are all south of the Mason-Dixon Line.

    In Washington, some of the state’s Democratic House members say they’re fed up with a lack of transparency over who is being detained and how the 287(g) program is working here. Last week, four of them — Reps. Mary Gay Scanlon and Madeleine Dean from the Philadelphia suburbs and Reps. Chris Deluzio and Summer Lee from Western Pennsylvania — sent a letter to ICE’s acting director David Venturella demanding information on why the agency’s data lack any specific details about which departments are making arrests, which is required by law.

    “It is unacceptable to me that ICE is hiding information from Pennsylvanians about who ICE is working with in their mass deportation regime,” Deluzio — viewed as a potential 2028 primary challenger to embattled Sen. John Fetterman — told me in an emailed statement.

    Deluzio also summed up the growing unease by many over the speedy growth of 287(g) in the state. “Let’s keep local law enforcement focused on local public safety, rather than enlisting them in extreme federal immigration enforcement that has ripped away American liberties and targeted so many law-abiding families,” he said. Indeed, 287(g) data guru Andrew Thrasher has reported that a whopping 70% of the immigrants arrested in Pennsylvania under the program have no criminal record or pending charges.

    “People in my community are getting smashed off the streets,” said Boyd, the Upper Darby lawmaker. That Delco township is about to vote on a local ordinance to restrict its cops from collaborating or sharing data with ICE.

    Statewide, Boyd says she’s one of about 50 House Democrats in a Welcoming Pennsylvania Caucus with an extensive list of proposed bills that would not only bar 287(g), but look to expand opportunities for noncitizens to do things like obtaining driver’s licenses or gain professional certification. But any serious action hinges on November, when Democrats are hoping a blue wave at the ballot box will flip at least three more Senate seats and create a trifecta for their party in Harrisburg.

    “Even if we can’t stop ICE from picking them up on the streets, we have to protect their rights,” Boyd said. “And right now, there are barriers to that in the state of Pennsylvania.”

    Yo, do this!

    • The issue of wrongful convictions is back in the news here in Philadelphia — but for all the wrong reasons. Some reckless and seemingly wrongheaded moves by Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner and his underlings have the vultures who’ve always opposed criminal justice reform circling. The shame is that the real crisis around wrongful conviction is the thousands of mostly Black and brown folks who remain behind bars for crimes they did not commit. I cannot say enough about a book that came out earlier this year from Brown University (yay!) sociologist Nicole Gonzalez Van Cleve called Crime Fictions: How Racist Lies Built a System of Mass Wrongful Conviction. She mines the most outrageous prosecutions — often of young Black teens and boys — to make a compelling argument that wrongful convictions aren’t a flaw in the criminal justice system. They are the system.
    • If timing is everything, then you’ve got to hand it to my freshman dorm pal at Brown who became Washington bureau chief for Mother Jones, David Corn. On the heels of ProPublica’s bombshell reporting on ties between the Trump family and Vladimir Putin, Corn is out Tuesday with his newest book: How Russia Won — Donald Trump, Vladimir Putin, and the Fight for America. It promises a raft of new information about Russia’s efforts to meddle in U.S. elections in 2020 and 2024, the ongoing close links between Team Trump and Team Putin, and how the current president’s pro-Russian slant has changed the world.

    Ask me anything

    Question: What happens when [House Speaker Mike] Johnson refuses to seat newly elected Dems in January? — David Minckler (@audivita.bsky.social) via Bluesky

    Answer: Suddenly, Jan. 3 — the date the 120th U.S. Congress begins, and new members who won their November elections are to be sworn in — has become the new Jan. 6. Summer vacations are over, and the body politic is focused on the looming midterms, and — more importantly — with polls showing the Democrats on track to retake one and possibly both chambers. So there’s been a surge of speculation that the Trump-allied Johnson will do what former Vice President Mike Pence would not do on Jan. 6, 2021, and somehow fail to certify Democratic winners. That’s based on an assumption that Trump’s election-meddling tactics like stopping mail voting — blocked on Monday by the U.S. Supreme Court — won’t work, yet Team MAGA will attempt to undo the election after the fact, as was tried unsuccessfully in 2020-2021. Lawfare has published the most detailed analysis of a so-called rogue clerk theory in which Johnson appoints a MAGA loyalist to serve as House clerk with the understanding that some Democratic wins won’t be certified. Its article notes that such a gimmick is unlikely to pass muster in the courts, but that won’t necessarily stop Trump and the GOP from trying. My only guidance is: Fasten your seat belts.

    What you’re saying about …

    It turns out readers of the newsletter aren’t eager to join the punditocracy. Only a few of you responded to last week’s question about the chances of a Democratic-led Senate in 2027, and one of them was to give me a verbal tongue-lashing for even asking this. (Frequent writer Daniel Fleisher called it “a pointless exercise in predicting the unpredictable.”) That said, Cathy King has her eye on Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan, her home state, writing that “he seems to be following [Zohran] Mamdani’s playbook.” Meanwhile, in Iowa, Mary Chilton thinks the Dems’ Josh Turek has a real shot in a state won three times by Donald Trump, noting that farmers are up in arms “over the data center issue, imported beef, water pollution and the soaring cancer rates …”

    📮 This week’s question: Suddenly, everyone is talking about one thing: the Silicon Valley whistleblowers saying there’s not a trivial chance that a swarm of angry artificial intelligence agents could wipe out humankind by the end of the decade. Are you worried by this, or do you think Big AI is deflecting here to draw attention away from other issues like data center opposition or the stock market bubble? Please email me your answer and put the exact phrase “the AI threat” in the subject line.

    Backstory on that other thing that could kill humanity

    A barge on the Ohio River moves past the Mountaineer Power Plant, a coal-fired power plant near New Haven, W.Va., in March.Carolyn Kaster

    This weekend, a Bluesky post went super viral almost the second its author, a scientist named David Ho, hit the button to post it. “I resigned from ExxonMobil today,” he wrote. “I spent the last three years doing fossil fuel extraction research at both BP and ExxonMobil. Neither company is acting responsibly. They are racing to maximize extraction while the window to act closes, and gambling with our lives.”

    It’s a safe bet that many of the 13,000 people who liked Ho’s post truly believed they were sharing the words of a brave whistleblower — but instead the post was satire from a leading climate scientist based at the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa. Ho would never work for a Big Oil giant. He was trying instead to mimic — and thus make a point about — the recent posts from Silicon Valley whistleblowers that triggered the new freakout over whether AI robots are a threat to human existence.

    Climate change is a threat to society, and it’s even closer to reality. Maybe we should freak out about that?

    Ho absolutely has a point. Just before his post, it was announced that August had been tied for the hottest month ever recorded in the history of the planet. That doesn’t come without consequences. In the Himalayas between Nepal and Tibet, a glacier and the adjacent bedrock of mountains at 17,000 feet abruptly collapsed in a region plagued by higher-than-normal temperatures, sending a 150-foot-high cocktail of floodwater and debris down a populated valley at 100 mph. At least 1,386 were killed, and thousands more remain missing. Here in the U.S., a summer of record heat triggered wildfires across the Pacific Northwest.

    Robots didn’t do this. Humans did. Maybe that’s why humans — at least the ones that are running Donald Trump’s America — are reacting so differently to the danger of AI than the way they’re dealing, or not dealing, with the lethal pollution from burning fossil fuels. In the case of artificial intelligence, even tech leaders like Anthropic’s Dario Amodei, whose firm makes the Claude program, have urged a slowdown until we better understand the risk from rogue AI agents.

    But in the case of climate change, willful ignorance rules the day. The latest outrage from a Trump regime that’s expensively killing off wind farms while racing to extract as much fossil fuel as possible? The now ironically named Environmental Protection Agency is repealing the rule that limits greenhouse-gas emissions from power plants that burn coal or natural gas. A president who spent his summer sweltering on the golf course continues to insist climate science is “the greatest con job ever perpetrated on the world.”

    There’s one last irony here. Increasingly, the biggest new sources of climate-altering pollution are the massive data centers that power AI. An Amazon data center proposed for Pecos County, Texas, would likely become the world’s largest source of carbon dioxide if it opens, spewing out 33 tons from natural gas generators every year. Slowing down the AI arms race would also help the planet. Artificial or not, that would be intelligence.

    What I wrote on this date in 2019

    Joe Biden performing badly in a presidential debate? Say it ain’t so, Joe. We all remember what happened on that 2024 stage in Atlanta (“The night the lights went out in Georgia,” I called that one), but I was almost as unimpressed with the future 46th president during a Democratic primary debate on this date seven years ago. That put me at odds with the punditocracy. I wrote, “The cable TV news show that both channels and is most revered by Washington’s elites — MSNBC’s Morning Joe — is at times so over the top in its bias toward Barack Obama’s former wingman that it could be renamed Morning Joe Biden.”

    Read the rest from Sept. 15, 2019: “Elite D.C. pundits love moderation, low taxes on the rich … and Joe Biden. They just don’t get it.”

    Recommended Inquirer reading

    • Summertime is over, and the living is no longer easy. I published my monthlong investigation into local cops collaborating with ICE under the controversial 287(g) program in semirural Schuylkill County, northwest of Philly. I found U.S. citizens handcuffed, families hiding behind blanket-covered windows, and a community wrestling with what it means for neighbors to be treated as suspects. Over the weekend, I delved into the astonishing $850 million or so Trump World has raised in campaign contributions since his reelection — despite the fact that he’s barred from seeking office again. You don’t think he has a scheme to pocket the excess cash, do you?
    • Dante only had Nine Circles of Hell, but the downward spiral of Pennsylvania Sen. John Fetterman seems to be never-ending. It’s one thing to profoundly disagree on a political and moral issue such as the war crimes of Israel’s right-wing government in Gaza, but recent reporting suggests things are far, far worse in Fettermanland. No senator — regardless of how much their ideology has flip-flopped — should be blowing off their home-state constituents, or clocking out of committee hearings after five minutes. The Democratic senator’s surprise video appearance at the midterm miniconvention of Donald Trump’s GOP, introducing his new best buddy, Republican Sen. Dave McCormick, did nothing to dispel the sense of utter betrayal among liberal voters who now see his winning 2022 campaign as a big lie. The next two years will be crazy as Democrats line up to primary Fetterman, amid rumors the hoodie-clad politico might run as an independent or even change parties. The only sure thing is that The Inquirer will be there for every move. Join us. Subscribe!

    By submitting your written, visual, and/or audio contributions, you agree to The Inquirer’s Terms of Use, including the grant of rights in Section 10.

  • Josh Shapiro celebrates as SCOTUS protects mail voting in Pa. and elsewhere from Trump’s restrictions

    Josh Shapiro celebrates as SCOTUS protects mail voting in Pa. and elsewhere from Trump’s restrictions

    Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro celebrated the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to block restrictions on mail voting sought by President Donald Trump less than two months before the midterm elections.

    “Donald Trump’s illegal attempt to undermine our Constitution and prevent eligible voters from making their voices heard in this election by voting by mail has failed,” Shapiro said in a statement posted to X on Monday night in the wake of the ruling.

    In March, the president issued an executive order that directed the U.S. Postal Service to help decide which voters should receive mail ballots. Shapiro, a first-term Democrat running for reelection this fall, had used his power as governor to join Pennsylvania as a plaintiff in a multistate lawsuit against the Trump administration, arguing the limits would unfairly prevent thousands of voters from being able to cast a ballot and would unconstitutionally violate states’ rights to administer elections.

    Since 2019, under a state measure known as Act 77, any voter in Pennsylvania may request to vote by mail ballot. The ruling Monday means nothing will change for those who were planning to vote by mail, whether by submitting their ballot through the mail or over the counter at their county’s election office. Eligible residents may also vote in person at their polling place on Election Day.

    “Counties will continue to administer free, fair, safe, and secure elections. And I’ll stand ready to continue protecting your right to vote — no matter what the Trump Administration tries next,” Shapiro, a likely contender in the 2028 presidential race, wrote on X.

    The deadline to register to vote in Pennsylvania’s contests, which include the governor’s race and four competitive congressional seats that could help determine control of the U.S. House, is Oct. 19. The last day to apply to vote by mail is Oct. 27. Ballots must be received by Nov. 3 at 8 p.m. to be counted.

    Trump’s directive stemmed from his long-running grievance against mail voting, despite repeatedly utilizing the method himself. He had instructed states to develop an approved list of voters, to prevent noncitizens from voting, and ordered the Postal Service to withhold mail ballots from individuals not on the approved list.

    On Tuesday, he called America’s mail voting system a “disaster” and said the justices who voted to block his order, some of whom he had appointed, “are merely a shell of their original selves” in a post on Truth Social, his social media platform.

    At the Republican Party’s midterm convention in Dallas last week, Trump asked attendees to pledge that they would vote whether they are “registered or not” and to “try to cheat like hell like they do,” despite no evidence of systematic voter fraud by either party.

    Pennsylvania Democrats and election officials in the state had doubted the viability of Trump’s order throughout the court proceedings — but said the renewed debate could still instill concern among voters that their ballots might not be tabulated.

    Secretary of State Al Schmidt, a Republican appointed by Shapiro, called the effort an “unprecedented federal overreach” into Pennsylvania elections during a news conference Tuesday, and cheered the announcement.

    “This ruling is a major victory for Pennsylvania voters and, importantly, provides much needed finality for voters and counties ahead of this year’s election,” he said.

    In New Jersey, Democratic Gov. Mikie Sherrill also applauded the Supreme Court’s decision.

    “This is another win for New Jersey voters and another loss for Donald Trump’s attempt to rig elections.”