Category: News

  • A vinyl and cocktail spot is coming to Kennett Square and Fishtown, bringing perhaps the neighborhood’s smallest bar

    A vinyl and cocktail spot is coming to Kennett Square and Fishtown, bringing perhaps the neighborhood’s smallest bar

    A new vinyl listening room and bar concept is coming to Kennett Square and Fishtown this fall, seeking to help people connect in person around music and over cocktails.

    Top Dog Cocktails, a ready-to-drink 12.5% ABV cocktail brand with a distillery based in Kennett Square, will open its first two brick-and-mortar locations in the coming months, embracing the Japanese jazz kissa model — a music cafe or bar that’s focused on listening to vinyl records.

    “It’s all to drive this analog feel in a digital world,” said founder Ken Smukler, a longtime political strategist who dipped his toe into the alcohol space roughly a decade ago. “It’s all about the community, listening and respecting music, and enjoying the cocktails at the same time.”

    Philly has had a history with listening rooms, with a flurry of openings starting in 2022 that then fell into a downtrend in more recent years. But the concept may now be making a comeback.

    With his distillery location in Kennett Square already tied to music, and a teeny space in Fishtown in a former ATM calling for some creative reimagining, Smukler saw opportunity.

    The locations will look a little different from each other, but the heart of both will be similar. There will be a small retail component, a bar that will double as recipe development for the brand, and, of course, an expansive catalog of music on rotation.

    Top Dog Cocktails is “designed for a more sophisticated consumer” who “recognizes what a craft cocktail is in a can,” he said.

    That vibe applies to these locations; Smukler envisions their demographic as cocktail appreciators, who want to unplug from their phones or TVs.

    “This is a quieter, safer, more sophisticated space to consume alcohol and listen to really good music,” he said.

    Smukler, a former political operative for then-U.S. Rep. Bob Brady, was first drawn to ready-to-drink cocktails in 2015, and began raising capital to launch his own brand. That early effort dissolved in 2019, when he went to federal prison for campaign finance law infractions.

    But while in prison during the COVID-19 pandemic, quarantined without much to do other than chat, he learned his cellmate’s brother worked in the alcohol industry. On his way out of prison, Smukler called his friends and family — and his former cellmate’s brother.

    “There’s literally a straight line from there into launching Top Dog,” he said.

    He reconstituted the investor group, and the brand launched in 2022. They’ve sold nearly 1.5 million cans, Smukler said, with distribution in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Florida.

    Options include a few variations of the margarita, an espresso martini, a vodka and grapefruit Greyhound, and a whiskey lemonade.

    The brand’s distillery operation is in Kennett Square, near Kennett Flash, a live entertainment venue. He first picked the spot, at 110 E. State St., because he felt there could be “synergy” between Top Dog’s tasting room and live music. The roughly 750-square-foot space will be the bigger of the two listening rooms.

    Smukler plans to work with the Kennett Flash in a joint venture; the nonprofit will be able to use the venue as a green room for performers, a space for music classes, or however they see fit. They’ll also get a cut from the retail sales.

    He’s looking to do something similar with the Fishtown location, but is still seeking a partner, he said. The location, at 2012 Frankford Ave., may be the smallest bar in Fishtown, at 350 square feet. It’ll have a 15-seat bar, a two-turntable DJ station, and a retail component.

    Fishtown feels like “ground zero” for the demographic they’re trying to reach, Smukler said. As for Kennett Square, he just happens to love it.

    “I just think it’s a gem, and I think if we can do something with the Kennett Flash … and for the community, that’ll pay back in spades for us,” he said.

    They’ll be able to test new drinks through the outposts, Smukler said. They’ve never had a gin or a rum product, for instance, and this will give them a chance for some R&D.

    As for music, they’ve amassed more than 500 albums ready to spin. Smukler’s creative director is planning themed nights to let them shine. Though the Japanese kissa model is usually jazz-forward, there will be a cross section of what gets played, he said.

    Moving the business into physical locations has been a creative challenge, but an exciting one, he added.

    “If you ask me, what is the most fun part of my job? It’s not trying to figure out how to sell more cases in Florida. I guarantee you, it is designing a kissa concept in Fishtown or working with a nonprofit in Kennett,” he said. “That’s the fun part.”

    This suburban content is produced with support from the Leslie Miller and Richard Worley Foundation and The Lenfest Institute for Journalism. Editorial content is created independently of the project donors. Gifts to support The Inquirer’s high-impact journalism can be made at inquirer.com/donate. A list of Lenfest Institute donors can be found at lenfestinstitute.org/supporters.

  • Lower Merion shut down a school board meeting amid shouts from parents angry about tech use

    Lower Merion shut down a school board meeting amid shouts from parents angry about tech use

    A Lower Merion school board committee on Monday advanced new rules on when screens should be used in classrooms, while facing anger from parents who want more limits on technology.

    The policy committee, which has been hammering out a technology policy after parental backlash to excessive screen time, went into recess and later shut down its meeting in the district’s administrative offices in response to shouts from people in the crowd.

    “When you are disrupting a public meeting, you are actually breaking the law,” school board president Kerry Sautner said, as a parent in the crowd, David Smyth, called on the committee, which had stopped public comment after 45 minutes, to allow more people to speak.

    Sautner — who said earlier that 45 minutes was typical for the committee’s public comment period — told Smyth he could leave, or stay and listen. When he answered that he wanted more public comment, the committee ended the in-person meeting and switched to Zoom to vote to advance the policy.

    The policy now goes before the full school board for a vote on Aug. 17. It sets new guidelines for how technology is to be used in Lower Merion, one of the Philadelphia area’s most affluent districts, amid a national debate over whether excessive technology use is impairing kids’ educations.

    Lower Merion’s proposed policy scales back on screens for the youngest students — specifying that kids in kindergarten and first and second grades will not be issued individual devices. Previously, kindergartners and first graders were given iPads, while second graders received Chromebooks.

    “Many of you came and said, ‘I don’t think my kindergartener needs a one-to-one device.’ I don’t disagree with you,” Superintendent Frank Ranelli said at Monday’s meeting.

    Under the proposed policy, any technology use for K-2 students “shall be minimal, highly structured, and limited to specific educational purposes.”

    Students in third and fourth grades will not have personal devices, but will have “an assigned log-in” that they can use to access computers on classroom carts, according to a district spokesperson, Amy Buckman.

    In grades five and six, students will be assigned devices but will not bring them home unless their parents want them to, Ranelli said.

    While bringing computers home becomes the default by seventh and eighth grade, Ranelli said, students who choose not to do so will not be penalized.

    But, the superintendent said, families “cannot decline technology” in the new policy — a bitter point of contention throughout school board debates earlier this year, as families demanded to opt out of devices.

    The board voted in June to scrap its former policy, which contained language requiring the district to serve families who did not consent to being issued a computer. While more than 800 parents signed a petition supporting the right to opt out, Ranelli said doing so was not possible.

    Parents have continued to organize under a Pencils Over Pixels group.

    At Monday’s meeting, Matthew Posey, a district parent, read from an April 9 email obtained through a Right-to-Know request, indicating that Ranelli had “instructed” Sautner to repeal the policy, according to Posey.

    “We also want to make sure … that the board sees the vision in not allowing parents to totally ‘opt out’ of getting a device and having to use it for part of our curriculum,” Ranelli wrote, describing the district’s response to parental concerns.

    Replying the next day, Sautner told Ranelli: “Got it.”

    “We do not pay premium local taxes to have this insulting, rubber-stamp school board governance,” Posey said. He accused the board of treating months of public meetings over technology use as “an inconvenience to be managed,” rather than a genuine consideration of parental concerns.

    Sautner said that she would have to review the email Posey mentioned, but that she sometimes responds “got it” to indicate she has received a message.

    “We hold the superintendent accountable,” she said. “It is literally our job as the board.”

    Parents pressed the committee for answers Monday on how the policy would work in practice. Ranelli said the district had been training principals in a “default to off” philosophy, to instruct their teachers to tell students that if they are not actively using their computers for an activity, “we want your screens to be down. Or we don’t want them at their desks.”

    While rules accompanying the policy include some guidelines for how much screen time kids should be getting each day — from 30-45 minutes in third and fourth grades to up to 90 minutes in fifth through eighth grades — there are no parameters for high school.

    School officials said that was too difficult, given how many classes high school students have in a given day.

    “I want to make sure we’re not handcuffing the teachers,” Ranelli said.

    Ranelli also said the district had stepped up efforts to block inappropriate websites, including all Google sites, which kids had used to play games, he said. It has also blocked all streaming services and AI summaries, Ranelli said.

    He said the district — and parents — would be able to better monitor kids’ online activity through a new Securly program, which allows teachers to monitor what kids are looking at in class. Parents, meanwhile, can block more categories of websites and set schedules for their kids’ devices out of school hours, Ranelli said.

    Smyth, the parent whose interruptions led the board to end the meeting, said in an interview that parents feel like board members are “checking a box and not really interested” in their comments.

    “In our mind, the big sin is really one-to-one devices,” said Smyth, who has children in seventh and eighth grade. He had planned to ask if the district will be tracking time spent by students on various computer programs — to set metrics for “what would have them reconsider” the amount of technology use in classrooms.

  • How rogue officers turned a nationwide camera network into a tool for stalking

    How rogue officers turned a nationwide camera network into a tool for stalking

    JEFFERSON, Ga. — Marci Bakely couldn’t understand how her ex-boyfriend always seemed to know where she was.

    When she went to buy groceries or on a date or to the doctor, he’d text her about it, sometimes within minutes, despite working 15 miles from her home as a police chief in a small town in the Atlanta suburbs. One day in 2024, when he incorrectly suspected that she’d gone to see a man against his wishes, he messaged her, “I didn’t think you would slip up,” according to texts she shared with The Washington Post.

    Bakely, 50, began to feel like she was constantly being watched. She says she installed three cameras around her home and on her patio, to see if he was staking out her cul-de-sac. She bought a hidden-camera detector and nervously waved it down every wall. Three times, in desperation, she says she drove her Kia to a mechanic’s shop, asking them to scan for trackers on her car.

    Then one day, when she pressed him for answers, her ex told her in a text: He was using Flock.

    Like thousands of other law-enforcement agencies across the United States, his police force could follow cars spotted by Flock’s sprawling network of artificial-intelligence roadside cameras, which record passing license plates into a mappable database that officers can search while investigating crime.

    Flock had sold its system as a police officer’s dream crime-fighting tool. But the tool had also given the chief, Michael Steffman, the power to silently monitor Bakely’s life. By the time she understood what was happening, Steffman had looked up the tags for her and her teenage daughter roughly 600 times, according to Have I Been Flocked, a website that aggregates police search logs made available through public records.

    Steffman was arrested in November on charges of stalking, harassment and license-plate-reader misuse. In April, before a trial could take place, he was found dead in his home from what officials said was a suicide. The town manager of Braselton, where Steffman worked, declined to comment. The town’s new police chief and four members of Steffman’s family did not respond to requests for comment.

    Backed by some of Silicon Valley’s top investors, Flock has rapidly grown into a colossus of American technological surveillance. A leader of the surging industry for license-plate readers, the company told The Post that its more than 120,000 shoebox-size cameras now scan the roads of more than 6,000 communities and record 20 billion plate scans a month.

    But bad actors have used this massive camera network as a powerful weapon for intimate surveillance. Authorities have charged or accused at least 50 law-enforcement officers of using license-plate readers for unauthorized purposes, including to stalk women without their knowledge or consent, a Post analysis of police and court records found.

    In 26 of these cases, police investigators and prosecutors said the officers used the technology to spy on their wives, their girlfriends, their exes, their exes’ new partners or women they wanted to meet. In other cases, police or prosecutors have not specified the alleged surveillance targets. Flock’s system was used in 46 of the cases analyzed by The Post, while the other cases involved competing products.

    Many of the plate-reader misuse cases were previously covered by local media outlets, and some were first compiled by the Institute for Justice, a civil liberties law firm in Arlington, Virginia.

    The Post reviewed thousands of pages of court documents and internal police reports and conducted interviews with seven alleged victims, some of whom spoke publicly for the first time, to paint a comprehensive picture of the misuse of Flock and other license-plate readers by police officers around the country.

    The review found that Flock gave police departments wide latitude about whether to activate settings that some police and privacy advocates argue could deter misconduct, and that many departments conducted limited oversight of their officers’ searches. As a result, rogue police were able to monitor their subjects’ movements with precision and secrecy.

    After The Post relayed its findings to Flock, the company said in a statement it “will soon be announcing better filters and tools to stop abuse before it happens.”

    Flock officials said in interviews that officers who misuse its technology represent a small share of its 140,000 active users, and that the company offers training guides and search logs to help police departments run internal audits. In April, the company rolled out a new voluntary “audit assistance” feature, which agencies can choose to enable, that automatically scans officers’ searches for suspicious activity, such as queries repeatedly targeting the same vehicle or run by officers off the clock.

    In an interview with The Post, Flock chief executive Garrett Langley said misuse of its systems is inevitable and that the company is focused on providing tools to catch perpetrators after the fact. In their contracts with Flock, police departments agree to use the tool solely for “bona fide investigations” of crime.

    “We’re not going to change humans, and humans make bad decisions,” Langley said. “What we can do is make sure that they know if you use this tool, you will be held accountable.”

    The Post’s investigation sheds light on the scope of the technology’s misuse across the country, as well as the toll on victims and families who felt they were constantly being watched.

    Through automated license-plate reader systems, or ALPRs, officers could trace the rhythms and travels of their subjects’ daily lives, leading in some instances to violent confrontations, moments of psychological manipulation, and threats of coercion and control, the analysis found.

    In Wisconsin, a police officer allegedly used Flock to check whether his ex-girlfriend had gone to an abortion clinic, according to a police affidavit for a case set for trial this month.

    In Kansas, a police chief who tracked his ex through Flock sneaked up on her while she was intimate with another man, a state police certification body alleged, leading to his firing.

    In Florida, a deputy speeding to stop a young actress he’d added to a watch list for a license-plate tool called Guardian nearly caused a head-on crash, according to a police report and video from his dashboard camera. The deputy was arrested in March, and his attorney declined to comment.

    And in California, prosecutors said a former deputy, Alexander Vanny, used Flock as part of a months-long campaign of “stalking” and “humiliating” his former fiancée that also involved following her around town and installing a hidden camera in her roommate’s bathroom, according to a sentencing brief.

    Vanny was convicted by a jury on 10 charges, including stalking and unauthorized access of electronic data, and sentenced in February to six years in prison. His attorney told The Post that case focused on Vanny photographing the license plate of a man who’d driven away with his former fiancée after she’d gone to a bar, and that he’d done so out of concern for her.

    While some of the searches resulted in officers’ firings, prosecutions and prison sentences, police departments in other cases allowed officers to continue using the systems even after receiving warnings that they were being misused.

    “This was not a lapse in judgment; it was a continual, repetitive, obsessive behavior,” a Wisconsin woman wrote in a domestic-abuse restraining order petition, saying that Flock data showed that her officer ex-boyfriend had searched the plates for her and her partner 179 times. She said she lived in a “constant state of fear and unease.”

    An array of privacy advocates has argued that Flock could deter bad actors by making simple changes to its product, such as requiring officers to label every search with a criminal case number. Some policing experts also warned that agencies’ inconsistencies in developing and enforcing standard procedures for license-plate readers could lead to further misconduct. With no federal laws governing use and only a patchwork of state laws, many of the country’s roughly 18,000 police agencies are left to decide their rules on their own.

    Christian Quinn, a former commander with the Fairfax County police in Virginia who now consults with agencies and technology vendors, said privacy features and oversight by local governments shouldn’t undermine the ability of police to do their jobs. Rules that significantly limit license-plate technologies, he said, could “chill the use of them altogether.”

    But Eva Galperin, the director of cybersecurity at the advocacy group Electronic Frontier Foundation, said that abuse of the tool is “inevitable” and that the company’s approach to date, coupled with poor supervision by police leadership, has done little to protect women from abusive police officers.

    “Flock has already claimed that they have oversight, that they have guardrails, and we still see these kinds of abuses,” she said.

    Officers’ searches are logged by police agencies, but only some of them have been made available through public-records requests, making it tough for people to find out whether their cars are being tracked. Some of the women said they learned of the surveillance only after they received calls from internal-affairs investigators or ran their plate numbers through third-party tools such as Have I Been Flocked.

    Some victims, such as Bakely, also say they’ve struggled to get their experiences taken seriously because the perpetrators are police, entrusted with broad authority to pursue investigations with operational secrecy and employed by the same agencies they were told to call for help.

    Bakely said the cameras had left her feeling powerless to stop her ex-boyfriend from tracking her life. She didn’t feel safe asking the police agency he led, she said, and she couldn’t get access to records that would have shown the surveillance was happening in real time. After Steffman told her about his Flock searches, she filed for a restraining order, but a judge denied it on the basis that she couldn’t prove ongoing abuse, court records show.

    He “watched every single move I made,” she said. But “who do you turn the chief of police in to?”

    Flock has more than 120,000 cameras in more than 6,000 communities that record 20 billion plate scans a month. (Kevin D. Liles/For The Washington Post)Kevin D. Liles

    ‘As transformational as DNA’

    When Bakely met Steffman on the dating app Tinder in 2022, he seemed like a perfect catch.

    He had kids and coached Little League baseball. He loved crude jokes and was quick with a compliment. And he had a stable career, with 20 years in law enforcement. After several tough months during which Bakely, an Air Force veteran, uprooted her life to move closer to her parents, he helped her feel safe, like she wasn’t alone.

    “He literally was my only friend,” she said in an interview.

    After a few months, she said, he began to act differently — more controlling and paranoid. He looked through 13 years of her Facebook history, forcing her to block men who’d left her comments, she told The Post. He also demanded access to her Ring doorbell camera and looked up all the names in her phone’s contact book.

    The couple broke up in late 2023, she said, but Steffman’s texts didn’t stop. Randomly, sometimes in the middle of the night, he’d ask cryptic questions about where she’d gone then say he’d already “looked it up,” according to a text exchange reviewed by The Post. She said he seemed to relish the idea of knowing things about her she had not wanted to share.

    One day in July 2024, after she had pushed him to explain himself, he told her he had used a “Flock camera.” She had no idea what that meant.

    “It’s a camera system that reads tags,” he wrote in messages she shared with The Post. He insisted that it was a lapse in judgment and that he wouldn’t “ever look again.”

    “Don’t worry I’m not tracking you or some weird stalker s–t,” he wrote, with a cry-laughing emoji.

    It had been seven years since Flock had installed its first camera not far from here, in Atlanta, as part of an idea by Langley — then a recent engineering graduate from Georgia Tech — to protect his neighborhood from a string of smash-and-grabs.

    Langley’s first camera was an Android phone, hung outside in a rainproof box. But soon his start-up began promoting itself as something far bigger, saying it was building “the first public safety operating system that eliminates crime.”

    The company dispatched installers to hang the cameras along public roadways and sent sales teams to city halls and police expos with offers of quick-start leasing deals costing around $3,000 per camera per year, public contracting documents show.

    Thousands of cities and police departments bought into the idea, and Flock gave them the choice to share their Flock data with other agencies or to view others’ data from across city or state lines. Many homeowners associations, apartment complexes and strip malls began signing up, too, giving them a way to search through their own local camera feeds.

    Flock quickly became the most prominent player in the burgeoning license-plate-reader business, rivaling systems from competitors such as Axon’s Fleet 3 and Motorola’s VehicleManager. Despite lacking the established law-enforcement relationships of its peers, Flock’s surveillance-subscription packages made its cameras accessible for small-town police departments and neighborhood-watch groups. Flock said last year it had surpassed $300 million in annual revenue.

    Flock told agencies that it could set its “own written rules for who can access the system and how it can be used,” company documents show. Agency leaders decide which officers receive log-in credentials, according to Flock’s rules, and the officers don’t need a warrant to run a search; they just type a plate number and go.

    Over time, Flock upgraded its tool’s surveillance power, creating “hot lists” that notify officers whenever a target car is captured on camera and a “vehicle fingerprint” feature that lets them search for a vehicle by its look or characteristics — say, any white minivan with bumper stickers — without knowing its plate number, company documents show.

    Flock engineers improved the cameras, too, wiring them to use solar panels and cellular networks so that they could be installed anywhere and record at all hours. Flock’s flagship camera, the Falcon, uses a style of AI image recognition, known as computer vision, that can read the plate on a speeding car at night or in heavy rain.

    Big venture capital firms including Andreessen Horowitz, an early Facebook investor, have poured money into Flock, betting on the company as a way to revolutionize policing. Flock, a private company, said last year its business was worth $7.5 billion.

    In a TED Talk in April, Langley said the company had expanded into making camera drones, police software and audio-detection devices after seeing its success in license-plate readers, which he said a police chief had told him were, for crime fighting, “as transformational as DNA.” He shared the story of how police used Flock to stop the abductor of a girl in Tennessee and said, “I don’t know how many more 11-year-old girls need to be kidnapped … before we say enough is enough.”

    Asked onstage whether his system’s use ever made him uncomfortable, Langley cited three recent instances of officer misuse, including a case that resembled Steffman’s: “a police chief in northern Georgia that used Flock to track an ex-partner.” Langley noted, however, that Flock’s audit logs had been used to investigate the abuse — evidence, he said, that the company’s safeguards were working.

    “He was probably a bad person. He was going to do this, one way or another,” Langley said. “And so I look at the 1 million-plus” criminal investigations Flock says it helped support last year “and go, okay, this is a trade-off that I can make.”

    Bakely says her ex-boyfriend “watched every single move I made” by using Flock. (Kevin D. Liles/For The Washington Post)Kevin D. Liles

    ‘The police are already here’

    For months, Bakely hadn’t realized how often she had been driving by Flock cameras, which looked like automatic air fresheners and had been mounted high atop black utility poles. One recorded the road she drove to the Kroger supermarket; another faced a gas station. In the small downtown of Jefferson, where she lived, there were two recording in opposite directions, one on each side of the town’s central creek.

    She had believed Steffman when he said he had looked up her plates just once. Months later, when Bakely heard about the Have I Been Flocked website on the local news and looked up her plate’s search history, she learned the truth. He had searched her car hundreds of times over a span of about 13 months, sometimes dozens of times a week, the audit records showed. Many of his searches were made between midnight and 4 a.m.

    As Flock’s popularity had ballooned with police, more officers had begun treating the tool like a personal spy device. In Kansas, a woman who drove her children to her father’s house for breakfast one morning began receiving text messages from her ex-husband, Kechi police lieutenant Victor Heiar, demanding to know where she had taken their kids, according to an interview she gave police and text messages she shared with investigators that were reviewed by The Post.

    Heiar later described the restaurant where she had just celebrated her birthday and the center where she took their kids to day care — a location she had hidden from him out of fear and distrust, she told police. Heiar was fired, his state police certification was revoked and he pleaded guilty to computer crime and stalking, for which he was sentenced to 18 months of probation. The Kechi police chief declined to comment. Heiar and his attorney did not respond to requests for comment.

    And the monitoring sometimes preceded threats of violence or control. In Florida, Orange City officer Jarmarus Brown called his girlfriend on FaceTime to show her videos of her driving, according to a sheriff’s office report. Once, he went to her apartment, grabbed her and reminded her that he carried a gun, leading her to threaten to call the police, an investigator’s incident report alleged. He responded, the report said, by referring to himself: “The police are already here.”

    Brown was arrested last year and pleaded no contest to a charge of unauthorized use of computers. He was sentenced this month to five years of probation and a $618 fine. Brown’s attorney and the Orange City police did not respond to requests for comment.

    In some of the cases, officers used the searches to uncover deeply personal information about their subjects’ lives. In Wisconsin, Menasha officer Cristian Morales used Flock to check whether his then-girlfriend had gone to a clinic to “seek a potential termination of said pregnancy,” according to an affidavit from an investigating officer with another police department seeking to subpoena Flock for search records.

    He texted the woman to say he had verified she didn’t go to the clinic and told her, “You continue to lie,” the affidavit alleged. He later contacted the clinic in an attempt to obtain her medical records, confronted her at her home and began calling her as many as 19 times a day, according to the affidavit.

    The woman and Morales’ attorney declined to comment. The Menasha police did not respond to requests for comment. Morales was charged in January with misconduct in public office and has pleaded not guilty. A criminal complaint said Morales admitted to searching for the woman’s vehicle, labeling them in the Flock system as “welfare” checks, and blamed his decision on bad judgment, desperation and a lack of sleep.

    Some officers, however, have defended their personal searches as normal behavior for police. Coty Wayne Hall, an officer in Niceville, Florida, ran 192 inappropriate Flock searches, including to track a former romantic partner, according to an internal-affairs investigation. The woman, a fellow officer, told investigators he once texted her details about what she was wearing one day when she took her kids to the park.

    Hall was fired, pleaded no contest to charges of computer-system misuse, stalking and battery, and was sentenced to probation. In an interview, he said it was unfair that he was being made “out to be some sort of monster.”

    “Pretty much everybody uses that computer system” improperly in the department, he said, and “they don’t audit it [nearly] as much as they should.” Niceville Police Chief Mark Hayse said in a statement that the department’s Flock use was audited “and only one individual was found to be out of compliance.”

    ‘No consequences’

    Flock’s defenders have argued that the prosecutions of rogue officers prove that its guardrails work. But in some cases, officers were allowed to keep searching Flock’s data after being accused of misuse.

    In Jerome County, Idaho, Sheriff Gary Taylor told The Post that a previous sheriff, George Oppedyk, had searched for his wife’s car several times a day in the weeks after a prosecutor filed a complaint about him to the Idaho attorney general’s office.

    Oppedyk resigned months afterward, more than two years before his term was slated to end, and faced no charges with the attorney general, Raúl R. Labrador, who said in a February letter that his office couldn’t prove a crime “beyond a reasonable doubt.” Oppedyk, the letter said, had argued he’d run the searches “to check the system’s reliability.”

    Labrador said in a statement that his office did not have the authority to prosecute Oppedyk because license-plate-reader misuse in Idaho is not regarded as a “standalone crime.” He said he is working with state legislators to address this “gap in the law” so that they can prosecute future misuse.

    Taylor said in an interview that Flock is a powerful law-enforcement tool but that he worries “a few bad apples [could] ruin it for everybody.”

    “If there are no consequences because the sheriff who abused it didn’t get in trouble, what’s to deter other people from doing the same thing?” Taylor said. Oppdeyk did not respond to requests for comment.

    The vast majority of the surveillance targets identified by The Post are women, and several of them said the experience — menacing messages and confrontations that led to the revelation they’d been watched — left them feeling violated and paralyzed. Galperin, of EFF, said that asymmetry of power is a large part of what makes the tool so dangerous in the hands of bad officers.

    “The goal of the abuser is to make themselves seem omniscient and omnipotent,” she said. “You don’t have to be watching your victim all the time. They just have to believe that at any moment you could be.”

    In some cases, license-plate data was just one component of a broader stalking campaign. In April, Kyle Rector, a former officer in Bonner Springs, Kansas, was charged with using law-enforcement equipment to stalk his estranged wife and two men he thought she was seeing, including by using data from a license-plate-reader system called ELSAG. Investigators also alleged they found monitoring software installed on her computer and a video camera hidden in her bedroom light switch.

    Rector has not offered a plea yet in the case, and his attorney declined to comment. A preliminary hearing is scheduled for September. Bonner Springs police said the agency is cooperating with investigators. ELSAG’s developer, the security contractor Leonardo, said it offers training and auditing tools to encourage responsible use.

    Being subjected to extensive tracking left some women deeply unnerved, pushing some to change their lives or start driving their relatives’ cars in hopes of not being tracked. One woman, a sheriff’s deputy in Wisconsin who spoke on the condition of anonymity because she was fearful of further harassment, said she had her plate searched 16 times in a single day by a fellow deputy with whom she had been romantically involved.

    The deputy lost his job after an internal investigation but has faced no criminal charges, and the lack of punishment has made the situation harder for her to move on, she said in an interview.

    “I didn’t leave my house for a week,” she said. “I was scared to see him.”

    Adam Dodge, a former family-law attorney and founder of the cyber safety training group EndTAB, said the tool is too easily misused by officers to engage in acts of domestic violence. The fact that the offenders have guns, badges and access to surveillance technology makes it even harder for victims to report their suspicions, he said, for fear that they won’t be believed and could face retribution if they speak out.

    “Any time you give an abusive individual access to one of those systems, they are likely going to misuse it,” he said. And “where do you go as a victim if you’re being abused — you go to law enforcement, right?”

    Some of the women who ultimately reported the misuse said they were dismissed or ignored. Alexandria Griffith, a mother in Leechburg, Pennsylvania, said in an interview that she repeatedly warned the police department and district attorney’s office that her officer husband had stalked and threatened her. During one text exchange she shared with The Post, the officer, Michael McSherry, shared a screenshot of her license plate in the search results of a Flock competitor to claim she had lied to him. “Plate readers dont lie,” he wrote.

    Griffith said officials at both agencies dismissed her pleas. Within days, she said, McSherry confronted her in her parents’ home armed with a gun, shoving her and her 4-year-old son and threatening to kill himself, according to a police report.

    In an interview with The Post, McSherry expressed regret for misusing the license-plate reader to track Griffith and disputed the police report’s characterization of the altercation. He was arrested and pleaded guilty to stalking and official oppression, for which he served roughly 11 months in jail.

    “A lot of people … knew that all of this was happening,” Griffith said. “And they kind of just brushed me off.”

    A car drives past a pair of Flock cameras in Jefferson, Georgia, last month. (Kevin D. Liles/For The Washington Post)Kevin D. Liles

    ‘Police the police’

    Flock has said incidents of abuse are unfortunate but tough to fully prevent, given the vast network of nationwide users and the reality that any tool can be abused. The company said that its audit logs have proved valuable for internal investigations, and that the “audit assistance” feature has already helped address some instances of misuse. Flock last month said a department in Albany, Georgia, fired five officers after the feature flagged signs of misconduct.

    Langley, Flock’s chief, has dismissed pushes by activists for the company to further limit how officers use its product.

    “No one elected me the police chief of America,” he told Forbes last year, adding, “I don’t think it’s our job to police the police.”

    Most law-enforcement agencies prohibit officers from accessing any police database for personal purposes, and in many departments such misuse is regarded as a fireable offense, according to Max Isaacs, director of law and policy at the New York University Law School’s Policing Project.

    But due to a patchwork of rules and regulations, the extent to which such officers are punished varies widely based on their agency and state. Thirteen states have adopted laws requiring police departments to audit officers’ license-plate reader usage, the NYU group found. At least eight states have criminalized the misuse of license-plate readers, including Georgia, which classified this crime as misdemeanor “of a high and aggravated nature,” the statute says.

    Some privacy advocates argue there are very basic changes Flock and police departments could make to prevent abuse. Jay Stanley, a policy analyst at the American Civil Liberties Union, told The Post that every search should require a criminal case number as “standard expected practice” because it could help “make lying harder and detection easier for a department that is well-managed enough to care.”

    Flock said last year that it would start allowing agencies to turn on the criminal-case-number requirement for its own officers, but it’s an optional setting. A company spokesman told The Post that roughly 1 in 4 agencies had turned on the “audit assistance” feature, which sends in-app notifications to police supervisors.

    Though Flock says in training guides that officers should detail a reason for each search, many of them have been justified with vague, one-word explanations, such as “investigation,” that make it harder for internal-affairs teams to evaluate, documents reviewed by The Post show.

    After DeFlock Joplin, an advocacy group in the Missouri city, requested audit logs from the police, the group said that 85 percent of searches had a one-word justification, such as “suspicious” or “drugs,” and that less than 3 percent of searches had been linked to a criminal case.

    Some experts suspect that many audit logs aren’t being reviewed at all — and that, if they were, officials would discover more cases of misuse. The Institute for Justice and other groups have proposed that Flock searches should be permitted only for officers who have obtained a warrant from a judge, much like police searches in the real world. A Flock spokesman said the company isn’t “capable or responsible for mandating a warrant,” and Flock’s defenders and investors have argued that the restriction would make the tool cumbersome and erode officers’ investigative edge.

    “Most of the time when you need license-plate information, it’s a timeliness thing,” said Quinn, the former police commander. Requiring a warrant, he said, could delay police from responding to active safety threats.

    Police departments largely acknowledge that license-plate readers require oversight, but absent federal laws around the technology many of them have not implemented strict guidelines to prevent abuse, said Chuck Wexler, executive director of the Police Executive Research Forum, a nonprofit that advises agencies on policing practices.

    “This is the nature of technology and policing,” Wexler said. “Very often a technology will be farther ahead of policy, and that’s what has happened, I think, with license-plate readers.”

    Some agencies that have set their own rules have found themselves scrambling to update them amid updates to the technology’s power. Jim Sheehan, a New Jersey program coordinator who helps write policies followed by more than 500 law-enforcement agencies in the state, said he is helping to revise local license-plate-reader standards for the third time since the rules were adopted in 2010.

    Some advocates, however, fear Flock’s current approach merely allows police officials to police themselves. In Milwaukee, an internal-affairs detective investigating a fellow officer’s misuse of Flock was found, in a separate investigation, to have misused Flock to surveil an unnamed victim and later admitted to installing a GPS tracker on the victim’s car, according to a criminal complaint last month.

    The detective, Tehrangi Chapman, was charged with misconduct in public office and misuse of a GPS device. Chapman and his attorney did not respond to requests for comment. Milwaukee Police Chief Jeffrey B. Norman said in a statement, “No one is above the law.”

    Torin Monahan, a professor at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill who studies surveillance, said Flock’s resistance to stricter user oversight offers only “a performance of accountability” designed to minimize scandal and maximize new sign-ups from public-sector clientele.

    “They don’t want any impediments to police adoption,” he said. “The more cameras that are on the network, the stronger the network becomes.”

    But David Ulevitch, a partner at Flock investor Andreessen Horowitz, said the more than 40 Flock misuse cases were “an infinitesimally small number” relative to the hundreds of thousands of officers nationwide. It’s “truly a nonissue,” he said in an interview, “… and by the way, that’s 40 officers that now have been disciplined or charged or fired that otherwise would not have been, thank you to Flock.”

    For Bakely, the searches from her ex-boyfriend stopped in August 2025, according to search logs later made public and compiled by Have I Been Flocked. That month, she had filed for a restraining order against Steffman, writing that he “uses the traffic (Flock) cameras to track my location,” her petition said.

    A judge denied her request, saying that Steffman’s conduct was “concerning” but that Bakely had no evidence to “support current allegations of stalking.” After he suggested Bakely file a complaint with the local sheriff’s office, that office then referred the case to the Georgia Bureau of Investigation. Three months later, when agents arrested Steffman, bureau officials said an investigation found he had misused the license-plate system “to harass and stalk multiple individuals.”

    Steffman died before a trial could be initiated, and superior court records do not list an attorney. Calls, emails and text messages sent to four of Steffman’s family members were not returned. On LinkedIn, he had said he retired after a career in law enforcement focused on “ensuring that every resident feels seen, heard and protected.”

    Braselton’s town manager declined to comment, but a previous town manager said in a statement that the town was “disappointed by the circumstances and the charges.” Five days before GBI announced his arrest, the town’s Facebook page had posted a photo showing Steffman posing with the mayor and town council for a celebration of his 20 years of “dedicated service.”

    His “leadership and commitment,” the post said, “have helped shape the department and strengthen the safety of our community.”

    Patrick Marley contributed to this report from Madison, Wisconsin.

  • Man charged with setting Spokane’s largest wildfire was contacted about 2 other blazes last year

    Man charged with setting Spokane’s largest wildfire was contacted about 2 other blazes last year

    SPOKANE, Wash. — A man charged with intentionally setting a wildfire that’s destroyed hundreds of buildings in and around Washington state’s second-largest city was contacted by law enforcement about two fires last year, though he wasn’t charged in either, court documents show.

    Aaron F. Farinacci, of Spokane, was arrested Monday and booked on suspicion of first-degree arson in connection with the Old Trails Fire, the biggest of three blazes that have destroyed at least 700 buildings and forced tens of thousands of people from their homes. According to court records, he denied setting the fire. His bond was set at $1 million and he was due in court later Tuesday.

    Authorities haven’t said what caused the other two fires burning around Spokane. No deaths have been reported.

    Farinacci, 37, served about a decade in prison after killing his father in Arizona in 2010. Last year, authorities questioned him about two fire-related cases in Spokane, according to a probable cause statement filed in Spokane County Superior Court.

    One involved several “bus-sized” fires in an area near Farinacci’s apartment in July 2025, police records in that case say. The other involved a wildfire in a state park that prompted evacuation notices the following month. In neither case was he arrested.

    A tip leads to an arrest

    On Saturday, a 64-year-old man who lives in a rural neighborhood northwest of Spokane was driving with his grandson when he saw a man standing along some railroad tracks and looking toward nearby trees, sheriff’s detective Michael Drapeau wrote in the probable cause statement. About 10 minutes later, as they were returning home, the man was still there, this time bending over as he faced the tree line. He stood up and acted “nervous” as the vehicle passed, the man told police.

    Soon after they returned home, the man’s daughter noticed smoke rising from the area and called 911. The man drove back there and gave a police officer a description of the man he had seen — bald, white, wearing a green shirt, and carrying a backpack.

    A responding sheriff’s deputy saw a man matching that description walking more than a mile away and detained him. Another deputy also responded, and the man who reported the tip showed up to identify the person in custody — Farinacci — as the one he had seen in the area of the fire, the document states.

    Farinacci had a backpack and a fanny pack, in which he had a pack of cigarettes, waterproof matches, and a butane lighter, it says. He told the deputies he didn’t start the fire and he denied having been in the area where it started. He was wearing a green T-shirt that read, “Who needs luck I have charm,” the detective wrote.

    The deputies were unaware of Farinacci’s prior fire-related contacts and the cause of the Old Trails Fire hadn’t been determined yet, so they released him to continue working on evacuation efforts, Drapeau wrote.

    But the following day, a wildland fire investigator for the state determined that the fire had started in the same area where Farinacci had been seen, the document says. The investigator ruled out other possible causes, including sparks from electric wires or passing trains, and police arrested Farinacci on Monday.

    “As it happens in so many critical cases, it was citizens who were paying attention to their surroundings, being aware, and willing to step up and say something that led to the relatively quick apprehension of Mr. Farinacci,” Sheriff John Nowels told reporters Monday.

    Farinacci remained jailed ahead of Tuesday’s hearing. The Spokane County Public Defender’s office will represent him during the appearance, and a lawyer will be assigned to him afterward if it’s determined he needs one, said its director, Colin Charbonneau. In an effort to get comment from Farinacci’s family, the Associated Press sent a message to a possible social media account for a brother.

    Police contacted him about earlier fires

    A detective investigating the Old Trails Fire ran a criminal history check on Farinacci and found that he had been contacted by law enforcement twice before during fire investigations.

    Spokane police responded to reports of several fires on July 8, 2025, near Farinacci’s apartment. The area near the Spokane River involved several “bus-sized” fires and prompted a significant emergency response, according to a police record.

    The Washington State Patrol made contact with Farinacci the following month while pursuing a suspect in a wildfire at Riverside State Park. They found him on a park bench, “seemingly out of breath from possibly running.” They took photos of him. He was wearing a green T-shirt just like the one he was seen wearing on Saturday, the document says.

    Convicted of manslaughter

    Farinacci, then age 21, shot and killed his father in Mesa, Ariz., during a 2010 argument about washing dishes, police said. Farinacci also shot himself but survived.

    He was charged with murder but pleaded guilty in 2012 to manslaughter and aggravated assault, records show.

    A judge in 2011 found that Farinacci was mentally fit to assist in his own defense, though defense lawyer Jose Colon continued to raise questions about his mental health and noted that he had been hospitalized multiple times for psychiatric treatment, court records show.

    In a letter to the judge, Beth Farinacci, who had married Farinacci’s father, said second-degree murder, not manslaughter, would have been a more appropriate way to resolve the case. But she went along with the plea deal because she believed a trial wouldn’t be beneficial to her family.

    “Manslaughter is for when someone accidentally kills another person. It is not for someone who intentionally points a loaded gun at their father and shots him in his face and back,” Beth Farinacci wrote.

    Farinacci was released from probation in Arizona in early 2024. A probation officer said Farinacci maintained a stable residence with his girlfriend and her family in the previous year, but also noted he hadn’t completed a mental health evaluation or domestic violence treatment.

    Residents return to destroyed homes

    The fires were among dozens across the Western U.S. that have stretched the ability of federal, state, and local agencies to fight them. More than 1,000 firefighters, many from outside of Washington state, were in the Spokane area Tuesday, and that number was expected to rise.

    Winds died down Monday and Tuesday, aiding the efforts of firefighters, but the weather was expected to get hotter by Wednesday.

    In one neighborhood, blackened vehicles, a boat twisted by the heat and melted plastic recycling bins remained. Across the street, lawns were still green and houses were spared, as residents continued to run hoses or sprinklers to water their properties.

    Some residents who had to flee blazes over the weekend returned to find homes that had been burned to the ground. In some cases, only chimneys were left standing.

    “There’s nothing to save,” Miriam Sim, 76, said as she and her husband, Daniel Sim, surveyed the ruins of the home where they had lived since 2005.

  • Trump’s National Guard deployment in D.C. set to cost additional $1.4 billion

    Trump’s National Guard deployment in D.C. set to cost additional $1.4 billion

    The Pentagon’s deployment of National Guard troops to Washington, D.C., is set to cost an additional $1.4 billion through the end of the Trump administration, according to information provided to Congress and reviewed by The Washington Post.

    The estimate, which encompasses October 2026 through January 2029, adds to the hundreds of millions of dollars spent on the mission to date. While the administration has not disclosed the full cost of the mission so far, the new figure represents the most comprehensive accounting yet of the president’s unprecedented use of the military to patrol the nation’s capital — an operation fiercely criticized by many Democrats and civil liberty advocates.

    The information was provided to Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Massachusetts), a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, by Jules Hurst III, Trump’s nominee to become the Pentagon’s comptroller, as part of his confirmation process. Hurst is set to be confirmed in a bloc of Trump administration nominees as soon as this week.

    The administration deployed National Guard personnel to Washington in August 2025, after Edward Coristine, a former staffer in Elon Musk’s U.S. DOGE Service initiative to slash the federal government, was assaulted in an attempted carjacking. The National Guard will maintain a presence in D.C. until January 2029 or “until the president says the mission is over,” Brig. Gen. Leland Blanchard II, the interim commanding general of the D.C. National Guard, told reporters in a news briefing Monday.

    The cost estimate provided to Warren assumes a deployment of about 2,500 National Guard personnel. There are approximately 4,600 service members in the city now, Blanchard said, part of a temporary surge coinciding with summer events to commemorate the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence.

    Democrats have called the deployment a wasteful use of military resources and an infringement on Americans’ civil liberties, and they have pressed Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth to justify the mission as the Pentagon faces urgent budget shortfalls because of the Iran war and other military operations.

    “The National Guard are not pawns and taxpayer dollars are not a piggy bank for Trump’s political stunts,” Warren said in a statement.

    In testimony to the Senate Appropriations Committee last month, Hegseth acknowledged the Defense Department is facing financial pressure but repeatedly blamed the situation on the Biden administration’s management of the military.

    The Pentagon did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    Since returning to office, Trump has deployed active-duty and National Guard units to American cities on controversial missions to stop crime or protect federal immigration agents. Academics and researchers who specialize in politicization and the military, along with local officials in some of the targeted communities, have argued that the operations violate laws barring the military from engaging in domestic law enforcement.

    Some state and local governments, including Washington, have challenged the deployments in court.

    The Congressional Budget Office estimated in January that the administration’s National Guard deployment in Washington cost $223 million through the end of 2025. It said deployments in Los Angeles, Memphis, Chicago and Portland, Oregon, together cost an additional $273 million in 2025.

    CBO has estimated that each additional month of deployment in Washington would cost about $55 million.

    Trump’s record $1.5 trillion defense budget request for fiscal 2027 includes $2.3 billion in funding for domestic use of the military, including $605 million for the National Guard mission in Washington.

    In a separate request to Congress for $67 billion in additional funding to help cover the costs of the Iran war, the Trump administration also requested $800 million for the National Guard. Sen. Patty Murray (Washington), the Appropriations Committee’s top Democrat, said during last month’s hearing with Hegseth that those funds would go toward extending the D.C. deployment.

    Blanchard, the National Guard general, defended the mission, noting that last month the Trump administration signed a $292 million contract to move National Guard members into local apartments from hotels in and around Washington. The move, Blanchard said, will save $90 million on lodging and transportation costs over the course of the contract.

    He said, too, that service members have responded to about 800 medical emergencies — performing CPR and applying tourniquets on gunshot victims, and administering 325 doses of Narcan, a drug used to treat overdoses.

    While Trump officials have repeatedly asserted the National Guard was necessary to help address a crime emergency in the city, D.C. police data shows violent crimes this year have remained about the same from this time in 2025. Property crimes, including burglary from cars and motor vehicle theft, have decreased by about a quarter. When the National Guard was deployed last year, crime rates were near a six-year low, according to federal data.

    National Guard personnel in Washington are supposed to yield to local police for law enforcement activities, such as arrests, said Michael Perloff, the senior staff attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union’s D.C. chapter. But their orders leave open gray areas, including how personnel should respond in an emergency or when under threat, he said.

    “National Guard members aren’t trained to handle those situations,” said Perloff, whose organization is challenging the mission’s legality in court.

    The service members deployed in D.C. have been tasked with a variety of missions, such as guarding the Reflecting Pool in front of the Lincoln Memorial and cleaning up garbage on city streets.

    In November, two National Guard personnel were shot while patrolling the city blocks away from the White House. One died from her injuries.

    Rahmanullah Lakanwal, an Afghan national charged in the shooting, pleaded not guilty in June. He is facing a possible death sentence if convicted.

  • Trump claims active ceasefire talks, but Iran denies direct negotiations

    Trump claims active ceasefire talks, but Iran denies direct negotiations

    The status of the Iran war remained in limbo Monday, as President Donald Trump insisted that talks between Tehran and Washington were “going on right now” while Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman said, “We are not currently holding negotiations with the United States.”

    Trump, who in a social media post earlier in the day called Iranian leaders “unbelievably duplicitous,” told reporters in the Oval Office that “we’re straight about” talks between the two countries, though “they deny. But they’re not denying it now. They just put out a statement, not denying it.”

    Asked where that statement could be found, a White House spokesperson referred The Washington Post back to the president’s remarks.

    Trump said Iran, along with other regional states, had “begged” for talks, leading him to call off what he had described as an imminent U.S. attack that would have been “harder than any attack … since World War II.”

    “We were going to hit them very hard yesterday, very, very hard,” Trump said. But “I want to give them every last chance before decapitation. It’s very tough to do what we have planned, still planned,” he said. “I’m very proud of the fact that I will give people a chance.”

    It was far from the first time since the war began on Feb. 28 that the two sides have offered differing versions of reality on damage done by their dueling airstrikes, what they have agreed to in on-again-off-again informal talks, or even whether those talks were happening.

    The conflict, which officials originally said would last only a few weeks but is now entering in its sixth month, has dragged down Trump’s poll numbers. Growing numbers of Republican lawmakers and voters have questioned both the rationale for the war and Trump’s strategy.

    Although Trump went into the war saying his goal was to destroy Tehran’s nuclear program — an objective he previously said was achieved after 12 days of U.S. and Israeli bombing last summer — Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz within days after the conflict began quickly became the focus of administration attention. The narrow waterway is a chokepoint, bordered by Iran and Oman in the Persian Gulf, through which at least 20 percent of the world’s energy supplies transit.

    Iran refused to let ships pass without permission, said it was going to impose tolls, and began mining the channel and shooting at commercial vessels. In April, the U.S. imposed a naval blockade barring all ships from entering or leaving Iranian ports. Iran continued to menace international shipping while Washington responded by bombing Iranian defensive sites around the waterway and some infrastructure farther inland, leading Tehran to fire missiles and drones at its Persian Gulf neighbors that host U.S. military facilities.

    As the price of gasoline surged at U.S. pumps, the two sides agreed to direct talks in mid-April in Islamabad, with the U.S. delegation headed by Vice President JD Vance. Unable to reach agreement there, after subsequent lower-level negotiations they signed a 14-point memorandum of understanding in mid-June that included a pullback of the U.S. blockade, an easing of sanctions against Iran, and plans for Iran and Oman to jointly figure out a way to manage the strait, while Washington and Tehran moved to nuclear negotiations.

    The ceasefire collapsed within weeks, largely over Iran’s insistence on continuing its control over the strait. The U.S. reimposed its blockade and sanctions, as both sides resumed sporadic military attacks.

    In recent days, regional Arab powers — including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar — have been in touch with Trump as they try to facilitate an end to the conflict, which is damaging their economies. Iran has also been reaching out to many of those same leaders.

    U.S. intelligence agencies have assessed that Iran is unlikely to change its own negotiating stance or be defeated in the near term.

    According to Tehran, there have been no direct negotiations with the U.S. since April, although both sides concede that messages have been passed through regional mediators.

    Last week, Oman sent Tehran a proposal for reopening the Strait of Hormuz that would divide maritime traffic 50-50 between routes along their opposite coastlines. Muscat also suggested a system of “voluntary” contributions from nonprofits, interested states and companies to pay for navigational aid, maintenance and environmental safeguards for the strait.

    Similar to a process used by Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia, which border the Strait of Malacca, an international trade chokepoint between the Pacific and Indian oceans, the proposed system could be a face-saving way for Iran to move away from the tolls and controls that it has demanded and that Trump and other world leaders have said can never be allowed.

    In a press briefing Monday in Tehran, Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baqaei said that Iran was negotiating only with Oman over ensuring the safe passage of commercial shipping through the strait and that there were no talks with the United States.

    “The strait was not closed because of disagreements between Iran and Oman,” Baqaei said. “It has faced disruption since last March due to the military aggression of the United States and the Zionist regime” in Israel.

    In his Truth Social post Monday morning, Trump was dismissive of the Iran-Oman talks. “They ask for a meeting, some would say ‘beg,’ talks begin, with more scheduled in the immediate future,” he said of Iran, “and they say, openly and proudly, that they’re not having any discussions, that nothing is being talked about, and they’re only dealing with ‘Oman.’”

    “They then go on to give their usual blather in saying, the Strait of Hormuz will be operated powerfully by them,” Trump said. But the United States has erected a “wall of steel” with its naval blockade, and “nothing gets through to Iran, unless we want it to, and nothing will get through, unless a Deal, or Total Surrender, is accomplished.”

    Isaac Arnsdorf contributed to this report.

  • 🎡 Relics from Gillian’s Wonderland Pier | Inquirer South Jersey

    🎡 Relics from Gillian’s Wonderland Pier | Inquirer South Jersey

    Good morning, South Jersey.

    Almost two years after Gillian’s Wonderland shuttered, there are still 20 unsold eclectic artifacts from the iconic boardwalk amusement park at Obnoxious Antiques in Burlington.

    And in more serious news, a man who was detained at the Delaney Hall ICE facility has died.

    Plus, Paulsboro lost a shipyard opportunity, and more news of the day.

    — Taylor Allen (southjersey@inquirer.com)

    P.S. Ask your questions about the region to Curious South Jersey. Our reporters might hunt down the answers for a future story.

    If someone forwarded you this email, sign up for free here.

    A piece of the Shore in Burlington County

    Any chance you’re interested in the 12-by-6-foot skeleton head and hands that once gripped the Haunted Dark Ride at Gillian’s Wonderland Pier in Ocean City?

    That item — priced at $8,500 — and 19 other spooky artifacts from the closed amusement park are for sale at Obnoxious Antiques in Burlington.

    Ocean City Mayor Jay Gillian made the decision in October 2024 to close the park his family owned.

    The owner of the vintage store hopes this upcoming Halloween season will bring in more buyers.

    So far, half of the sold items have gone to people out of state and the other half returned to Ocean City.

    Reporter Amy Rosenberg has the story.

    A death at Delaney Hall

    According to the members of the New Jersey congressional delegation, a man who was detained at the Delaney Hall ICE facility in Newark has died.

    The detention center has attracted national attention during President Donald Trump’s immigration crackdown, with numerous complaints about its practices almost since it reopened in 2025.

    It’s been the site of altercations between law enforcement officers and protestors, and of political fights between state Democrats and the federal government.

    The office of U.S. Sen. Andy Kim, a South Jersey Democrat, confirmed the Newark ICE field office notified the senator’s team of the death Monday. The immigrant rights group Cosecha New Jersey shared a video identifying the person who died as Edwin Jeovanny López Cornejo.

    Reporters Aliya Schneider, Jeff Gammage, and Michelle Myers have more on the turmoil at Delaney Hall.

    What to know today

    • Hanwha Philly Shipyard wanted more space for better contracts, more hiring, and more profit-making potential. The yard’s leader eyed a facility in Paulsboro — but then the port operator, Holt Logistics, refused the approval. Months later, Hanwha is giving up on the New Jersey option and now is collecting offers from Southern states.
    • State Republicans are hopeful that a voter identification law could pass after Gov. Mikie Sherrill last week said she would support it, New Jersey Monitor reports.
    • The new commissioner of Major League Soccer is a Cherry Hill native and part-owner of the Los Angeles Football Club: Larry Berg.
    • Monday’s thunderstorms delayed the start of the $2.5 million project to make repairs on Collings Avenue Bridge over Newton Creek on the border of Camden and Gloucester City. It is now set to begin today and the bridge will be closed for about three months.
    • Speaking of roadway maintenance, residents in Camden, Oaklyn and Cherry Hill should plan to make detours since that is where the bulk of the roadway projects will occur this week.
    • A teacher from West Deptford suffers from retinal vasculopathy with cerebral leukoencephalopathy, or RVCL, a disease affecting fewer than 50 families worldwide that damages small blood vessels and causes premature death after harm accumulates on organs. The University of Pennsylvania got a $10 million gift to try to find a treatment.
    • The veteran actor Vincent Pastore, best known for playing Salvatore “Big Pussy” Bonpensiero on Jersey-set The Sopranos, has died at 80, according to the Associated Press.

    🗣️ Quote of the week

    Nick and Sandy Matteo immediately fell in love with the split-level after driving by, they told The Inquirer in the latest How I Bought This House column. They called the listing agent from outside the house and got a tour the same day.

    Did you recently buy a home in South Jersey? Share the story of how you did it. Email Inquirer real estate reporters at properties@inquirer.com.

    🧠 Trivia time

    Former Gov. Phil Murphy declared which date as Bruce Springsteen Day?

    A) Sept. 23

    B) Aug. 22

    C) Jan. 24

    D) Oct. 3

    Think you know? Check your answer.

    What we’re…

    🍿 Watching: The third and final season of Netflix’s Survival of the Thickest.

    🎧 Listening to: The unCovering the Birds podcast about first impressions based on the first few days of the Eagles training camp.

    ⚾ Reviewing: All of the latest Phillies trade updates now that the 2026 MLB trade deadline passed.

    And that’s all I have for you today. I’ll have more news for you tomorrow. ☀️

    By submitting your written, visual, and/or audio contributions, you agree to The Inquirer’s Terms of Use, including the grant of rights in Section 10.

  • Pa. lawmakers have proposed dozens of ways to fix the state’s low housing stock. They’re making a database instead.

    Pa. lawmakers have proposed dozens of ways to fix the state’s low housing stock. They’re making a database instead.

    HARRISBURG — More than one million Pennsylvania households spend over 30% of their income on housing. And over the next decade, the state’s housing crunch is slated to intensify, with estimates that Pennsylvania will have nearly 185,000 fewer new homes than it needs to keep up with projected demand.

    State legislators have pushed to address the need, introducing bills that would increase the housing supply through accelerated approval processes and lifting restrictions on new developments — and urged leaders to include those initiatives in this year’s budget negotiations.

    Gov. Josh Shapiro also put housing at the forefront of his budget address in February, asking the General Assembly to ease restrictions for rental applications and to cap costs on manufactured home increases.

    But none of the proposed policies were included in the final budget deal, passed last month. Instead, the budget included the creation of a housing database — a move some lawmakers and advocates say falls short of addressing Pennsylvania’s burgeoning housing crisis.

    “I think the budget generally left a lot of questions unaddressed. And housing, one of the top three issues in terms of the cost-of-living crisis, was one of them,” said Sen. Nikil Saval (D., Philadelphia).

    Saval was one of six senators who voted against the budget. He has since said that was because it left many key policy issues, including housing, unaddressed. Sen. Katie Muth (D., Montgomery), the only other Democratic senator to vote against the budget, has also said she believes the budget left issues like housing, rising energy costs, and affordability unanswered.

    Shapiro’s office did not respond to a request for comment.

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    The new housing database — incorporated through a bill sponsored by Saval and authored by fellow Philadelphia Democratic Sen. Vincent Hughes — will be overseen by the Pennsylvania Housing Finance Agency. Saval said it will ensure more robust data collection to provide transparency on how much affordable housing is available across the state.

    Under the new legislation, the agency will be required to create an online searchable database of all publicly financed housing that is subjected to public assistance programs. It will include anticipated termination dates on properties’ affordability restrictions and will note if the property has been granted an extension on those restrictions.

    Saval said the publicly available database will ensure lawmakers have a better idea of the state’s affordable housing stock. Much of the affordable housing in the state was created with the help of low-income tax credits that are subject to expiration dates. As termination dates on these housing units loom, with many set to expire within the next five years, Saval said, the database will keep lawmakers aware of when housing is no longer affordable and allow them to see if restrictions can be extended.

    The database will be updated annually by the PHFA, with local housing agencies submitting data every year.

    Chris Anderson, communications officer for the PHFA, wrote in an email that the database is still in the early stages of being built, but that it will not pose any significant costs to the agency and existing resources will be used to create it.

    There are no penalties if the PHFA does not update the database, and the new law does not make it mandatory for local agencies to report information to the agency. The intended audience is primarily housing advocates and organizations, as well as policymakers, Anderson said.

    Saval said the database will help lawmakers know how much affordable housing there actually is in the state.

    But he said the state budget — where legislators often pass policies in addition to the yearly spending plan — was still a missed opportunity to address Pennsylvania’s housing concerns.

    “Anytime there’s a set of budget negotiations where there’s the potential to allocate funding, or create policy that would increase the supply of housing, or address the concerns faced by renters, and anytime that opportunity is missed as it was in this budget, I think it’s a step back,” he said.

    ‘Missed opportunity’

    Carrie Rathmann, vice president of strategic partnerships for Habitat for Humanity Philadelphia, said one initiative notably absent from the final budget deal was the PA Home Preservation Program, a grant administered by the Pennsylvania Department of Community and Economic Development to provide funding for construction cost gaps and keep homeowners in their houses through repairing outdated buildings. The initiative was last funded when it was signed into the budget in 2022, but has not received funding since.

    Previously known as the Whole-Home Repairs Program, the state allocated $125 million toward the program using American Rescue Plan dollars, repairing more than 2,600 affordable homes across the state.

    Douglas Paige (from left), Carrie Rathmann with Habitat for Humanity, Tyron Cheeseboro, and Danielle Paige on the steps of Pennsylvania Capitol during a 2023 rally for the Whole-Home Repairs Program.Alejandro A. Alvarez / Staff Photographer

    Housing advocates have pushed for the state to renew the funding, with the Housing Alliance of Pennsylvania calling it one of the organization’s biggest priorities.

    In an email, spokespeople from the housing alliance noted that the state funding in 2022 was not enough to support the number of people that applied for it, meaning there are still people waiting to have their homes repaired.

    “The program received far more applications from qualified homeowners than available funding could support, highlighting both the scale of unmet need and the importance of preserving existing housing,” the spokespeople wrote.

    The program has not returned in a line item in the state budget since 2022. Companion bills in both chambers supporting the program have received bipartisan support — the House bill passed 122-80 — but are sitting in the Senate Urban Affairs and Housing Committee.

    “That felt like it represented a huge missed opportunity to help thousands of Pennsylvanians stay housed and to keep homeowners safe and healthy in the homes that they already own, because without that dedicated investment, this crisis will only grow,” Rathmann said.

    Habitat for Humanity is a nonprofit that does not rely on state dollars, but Rathmann said state money goes to counties and housing providers like the Philadelphia Housing Development Corp. The money helps an “ecosystem” of housing organizations in the Philadelphia area, and Habitat uses it for a portion of the organization’s work. That included the Built to Last program, an initiative spearheaded by the Philadelphia Energy Authority that inspired the statewide initiative of Whole-Home Repairs in 2022.

    Rathmann said state initiatives that increase efficiency on building houses are key to developing homes faster and cheaper, which in turn increases the housing supply and can keep people in high-quality houses. This includes incentives like building lower density “by right,” meaning property owners can build low-density housing without special approval.

    “We see every day at Habitat that that impact is real, it’s tangible, it crosses different sectors like kids can get to school and do better,” Rathmann said. “Seniors are healthier. People are healthier. People feel less stressed. They have more money in their pocket for medication and food.”

    ‘Risk aversion on all sides’

    Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle in Pennsylvania’s divided state legislature have pushed for their own housing initiatives. Bills have passed through the Democratic-controlled House or Republican Senate, but have yet to move forward in the opposing chamber.

    Democratic-backed House bills sitting in Senate committees include proposals to remove barriers to building accessory dwelling units, lift restrictions on how many unrelated people can live in one home, and seal eviction records to help tenants.

    And the Senate GOP also has a number of bills sitting in the House’s committee, like creating an accelerated approval process for new housing, or establishing a Housing Regulatory Compliance Officer.

    Beth Rementer, spokesperson for House Democrats, wrote in an email that the House has sent 22 bills to the Senate Housing Committee, while the Senate sent two in June.

    The state’s lack of housing action marks a difference from the Republican-controlled federal government. In early July, Congress sent the ROAD to Housing Act to President Donald Trump’s desk — a bill that reduces barriers to home construction and modernizes housing programs alongside other initiatives, including a pilot of Whole-Home Repairs.

    Saval attributed the Pennsylvania legislature’s inaction to a desire to pass the state budget quickly without debate on hot-button policy issues ahead of the November election, when half the Senate and all members of the House are on the ballot.

    “Essentially, there was risk aversion on all sides,” Saval said. “And, understandably, an unwillingness to get into a budget discussion that would prolong the budget negotiation process.”

    Kate Flessner, spokesperson for the Senate Republicans, said in an email that the Senate supports a number of housing initiatives, but that underlying issues lie in how the state will pay for them in light of the roughly $5 billion structural deficit.

    “As we continue working to address the state budget’s serious structural deficit, we will be primarily focused on ways we can improve housing access that do not require vast sums of taxpayer money — and there are many of them,” Flessner said.

    Natalie Javitt is an intern with the Pennsylvania Legislative Correspondents’ Association. She can be reached at natalie.javitt@gmail.com.

  • Some Montco residents are living a lie | Inquirer Greater Abington

    Some Montco residents are living a lie | Inquirer Greater Abington

    Hi, Greater Abington. 👋

    It’s nice to see you again. This week, we’re taking a look at the specifics of Bradley Cooper’s Montgomery County origin story. In other news, we look closer at the fallout of two assaults in Cheltenham High’s locker room, Abingtonians can request traffic-deterring devices on some roads, and felony rape and sexual assault charges have been dropped against a Jenkintown physician after his accuser didn’t show up to court.

    As always, we hope to hear your feedback on this newsletter. Let us know what you think by taking our survey or replying to this email.

    — Laura Smythe (greaterabington@inquirer.com)

    If someone forwarded you this email, sign up for free here.

    The great hometown debate

    Apparently Bradley Cooper has a thing for confusing home addresses. Montgomery County’s hometown hero is often said to be from Jenkintown, when in reality, he hails from Abington Township — the unincorporated community of Rydal, to be exact.

    The Oscar-nominated actor also supposedly owns a New Hope estate, though he actually lives in Solebury Township.

    Could you also be among the many Abingtonians living a lie? Many mistakenly believe they live in Jenkintown, and sometimes the appearance of a tax bill from Abington is the catalyst that tips them off.

    The Inquirer’s Jess Rohan digs into the complicated geographical maze of the area, untangling a web that involves a playbill from the 1980s, Jenkintown’s National Geographic-famous Color Day, and more U.S. postal service lore than you thought your Tuesday needed.

    Prosecutors fault Cheltenham School District for putting every football player ‘at risk’ in locker room assaults

    Four football coaches and six players have been charged in relation to two violent 2025 attacks in the school’s locker room that injured a 15-year-old student and prompted the cancellation of two football seasons. Prosecutors said coaches tried to cover up the assaults, in which multiple cleat-wearing teenagers stomped on the victim’s chest and groin, and used a broomstick to poke at his buttocks.

    The Montgomery County grand jury that recommended the charges also faulted the Cheltenham School District for a “level of incompetence” that “put every young man on the football team at risk.”

    Inquirer reporter Maddie Hanna has the latest on the locker room assaults that have rattled the Cheltenham community in recent weeks after coming into public view in vivid detail nearly one year after they took place.

    💡 Community news

    • Abington property owners can now request and weigh in on proposed traffic-deterring devices, including speed humps and roundabouts, on certain streets.
    • Felony rape and sexual assault charges were dropped against Jenkintown physician John Smyth Michel, 56, after his accuser failed to appear to his criminal trial. Michel is the founder of the currently closed Excel Medical Center, which is made up of 12 locations in the Philadelphia region.
    • The Holocaust Awareness Museum and Education Center in Elkins Park is dedicating its archives to the late Donald Wittenberg, the site’s longtime curator who died in March. Wittenberg spent decades chronicling how the Holocaust impacted folks in the Philadelphia region and educating people on how to prevent a similar occurrence in the future.
    • Neysa Adams, a former Elkins Park resident who established the Neysa Adams’ Library Fund at Reform Congregation Keneseth Israel, died recently at 104. Known as a civic and community leader, scientist, and teacher, Adams was once recognized by former Gov. Ed Rendell as a Distinguished Daughter of Pennsylvania for her “outstanding service and contributions to the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.”
    • Drivers in Cheltenham Township can expect a daily lane closure through Friday from 9 a.m. to 3 p.m. on Church Road between Township Line Road and Route 73 due to utility adjustments. Milling will also close a lane at the same spot overnight through Friday, from 8 p.m. to 5 a.m.

    🍽️ On our plate

    🎳 Things to do

    🐦 Curtis Arboretum Bird Walks: Spend some time with nature on this mixed-terrain outing. ⏰ Friday, Aug. 7, 8-10 a.m. 💵 Free 📍 Curtis Arboretum, Wyncote

    🧶 Stitch and Chat: Make some progress on your current craft project or start a new one, and maybe make a friend along the way. ⏰ Friday, Aug. 7, 1-3 p.m. 💵 Free 📍 Roslyn Branch Library, Abington

    🥁 Stranger Things Rock: Check out the classic rock band’s return to The Drake Tavern. ⏰ Friday, Aug. 7, 7-10 p.m. 💵 Pay as you go 📍 The Drake Tavern, Jenkintown

    🎥 Flick ‘N’ Float: Bring your own float or raft to watch a movie while cooling off in the pool, or post up on the lawn. ⏰ Friday, Aug. 7, 8 p.m. 💵 $5 for members, $10 for non-members 📍 Conklin Pool, Elkins Park

    🏡 On the market

    An early 20th-century Rydal estate built with locally quarried stone

    This sprawling estate from 1904 spans more than two acres in Rydal (anyone seen Bradley Cooper lately?). Live-in carpenters carefully crafted the details in the residence, which was constructed from locally quarried stone, according to the listing.

    Inside features private au pair quarters and multiple princess suites, while the back leads to gardens, an in-ground pool, a hot tub, and large terraces.

    See more photos of the property here.

    Price: $1.695M | Size: 7,546 SF | Acreage: 2.02

    🗞️ What other Greater Abington residents are reading this week:

    By submitting your written, visual, and/or audio contributions, you agree to The Inquirer’s Terms of Use, including the grant of rights in Section 10.

    This suburban content is produced with support from the Leslie Miller and Richard Worley Foundation and The Lenfest Institute for Journalism. Editorial content is created independently of the project donors. Gifts to support The Inquirer’s high-impact journalism can be made at inquirer.com/donate. A list of Lenfest Institute donors can be found at lenfestinstitute.org/supporters.

  • Why Pennsylvania quietly repealed its 1929 midwifery law — and is now getting sued for it

    Why Pennsylvania quietly repealed its 1929 midwifery law — and is now getting sued for it

    HARRISBURG — Hidden deep in more than 600 pages of state budget documents, Pennsylvania lawmakers last month quietly repealed an unenforced 1929 law that allowed traditional midwives, the main group of midwives delivering home births, to practice.

    Now, traditional midwives — who differ from midwives usually found in hospitals, are not medically trained, and often serve religious minorities like the Amish — are worried they have no legal standing to work in Pennsylvania and are challenging the repeal and a new law in state court.

    The 1929 law had been on the books for nearly a century, asking traditional midwives to submit a paper application and a $10 fee to get a state certificate. But it had not been enforced for decades, and Pennsylvania, which has one of the highest rates of home births in the nation, was counted as one of 13 states that did not regulate the practice at all.

    Meanwhile, other forms of midwifery — such as nurse midwives and certified midwives, who are medically trained and are formally affiliated with a doctor or health system — are highly regulated by the state and its medical board. But these affiliations often prevent nurse midwives and certified midwives from offering home births, as the health systems see them as possible risks for medical malpractice lawsuits.

    The practice of traditional midwifery dates back to the Old Testament and has lived on through centuries of community knowledge and traditions. It can include Amish and Mennonite midwives, who are limited in the amount of education they are allowed to receive, as well as other unlicensed midwives who say they take only low-risk pregnancies.

    Some Pennsylvania traditional midwives say their practice is more necessary than ever, citing the United States’ maternal mortality and morbidity rate and cesarean section rates that outpace most of the rest of the Western world. They see their work as more holistic and personal than the American medical system, offering more personalized care to the new parent and baby for weeks after birth, as well as an answer to maternity care deserts as more hospitals and birth centers close.

    Medically trained midwives and physicians, who receive licenses from the state, argue the practice of traditional midwifery is potentially unsafe for mothers and babies, and requires little to no oversight in comparison to their medical training and licensure.

    A new law, and legal uncertainty

    There is no state law regulating home births — which are chosen by a variety of families for different reasons, from Amish who have religious beliefs about delivering at home to Black and brown women who have felt underserved or discriminated against by the modern healthcare system. But if traditional midwives — the primary group delivering babies in home births — cannot practice, some argue, home births will become inaccessible.

    The legal fight over midwifery began earlier this year, when the General Assembly approved changes to a separate law to include another class of midwife: certified midwives, who have all the same education training as nurse midwives except the nursing degree. To receive a certification from the Pennsylvania Board of Medicine, nurse midwives and certified midwives must provide proof of education and a collaborative agreement with a physician or medical institution.

    The law, the Midwife Modernization Act, was written to protect traditional midwives’ ability to practice, its author, Sen. Rosemary Brown (R., Monroe), said in a statement.

    Kate McHugh, a nurse midwife who has worked for a decade with lawmakers on updates to midwife regulations, said stakeholders approached traditional midwives during earlier iterations of the bill to see how they would like to be regulated. The different groups of traditional midwives could not agree, so the nurse midwives and certified midwives moved forward on their own.

    But the changes to Pennsylvania’s laws created a legal gray area, some midwives argued in a lawsuit filed last month.

    An anonymous group of two traditional midwives, a nurse midwife, and an Amish man whose family utilizes traditional midwifery filed a lawsuit in a state appellate court, challenging Brown’s law as unclear about their ability to practice, and asking the state to enforce the 1929 law already on the books.

    After the lawsuit was filed, legislators repealed the 1929 law as part of an overall state budget deal, creating more uncertainty for traditional midwives, according to their amended filing. Some lawmakers said they did not know they had voted to repeal the law, as the state budget is drafted in closed-door meetings among top leaders and fast-tracked through the legislative process with little time for rank-and-file members to review what they are voting on.

    The law was repealed as part of a request by Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro’s administration, according to a source briefed on budget conversations. The administration works closely on legal matters with Republican Attorney General Dave Sunday’s office, which is defending the state in the case. Shapiro’s office declined to comment.

    “It’s not fair the way [the budget] is done,” said Rep. Dave Zimmerman (R., Lancaster), who said he unknowingly voted in support of the bill that repealed the 1929 law in an omnibus bill. “It concerns me a little bit that we repeal something in the fiscal code rather than right up front where it’s transparent.”

    “You have people in the Amish and Mennonite community that this is what they do. We have midwives that have been doing this for 30 and 40 years, They’re probably as good as anyone else doing it, certified or not,” Zimmerman added.

    The lawsuit

    The group of traditional midwives filed the lawsuit anonymously out of fear of retribution from the state for continuing to practice, said the group’s attorney, Jonathan Goldman, of the Goldman Law Team, based in Fort Washington. The midwives spoke with The Inquirer on the condition of anonymity for the same reason.

    One of the midwives, who serves south-central Pennsylvania with a largely Amish and Mennonite clientele, said she has delivered 1,600 home births over 38 years. She had practiced traditional midwifery in other states, before similar certifications were required there. At one point, she said, she was arrested and charged with a misdemeanor for continuing to practice home births in New York.

    Unlike medically trained nurse midwives and certified midwives, traditional midwives are prohibited from practicing medicine, which could mean dispensing medication or conducting medical procedures as simple as stitches. They have historically been investigated by state boards of medicine if this is called into question, making the group even more distrustful of state oversight.

    One of the anonymous traditional midwives, who has delivered an estimated 600 births around eastern parts of Pennsylvania, said her clients are often religious and want traditional models of care, such as no lab work and one ultrasound — a very hands-off approach compared to the highly surveilled pregnancies in modern medicine.

    The midwife, who delivered four of her 10 children in the hospital before finding an interest in home births, said her faith as a born-again Christian drew her to the “completely different model of care” that does not rely on pharmaceuticals, with a comfortable home setting and few restrictions like in a hospital.

    “In the hospital, it’s a fractured system. There are several midwives and physicians, you never know who you’re going to get, who is going to be on call,” said the midwife, who works with Amish and Mennonite populations in south-central Pennsylvania. “We are the community midwives. We know the secrets, we know the stories, we know what kind of care works. We know the family intimately. And it improves outcomes because knowing them intimately and emotionally allows us to provide that kind of specialized care.”

    Sunday’s office, defending the state in the suit, said in a July 24 filing that the midwives’ claims are a “misreading and misunderstanding of the current law,” and that traditional midwives “can continue to practice as lay midwives without certificates.” Sunday’s office did not respond to a request for comment.

    The case is scheduled for a preliminary injunction hearing to block the law from going into effect on Wednesday, where Brown and other lawmakers may be called to testify and a judge is expected to rule whether current laws prevent traditional midwives from practicing.

    Outside the medical system’s framework

    Obstetricians in hospitals and birth centers routinely work with certified midwives, who have an advanced degree in midwifery, and nurse midwives, who have a nursing degree in addition to specialized midwifery training.

    “As an OB-GYN physician, I absolutely respect somebody’s right to make a medically informed decision about how they take care of themselves in their pregnancy, and who they request assistance from in birth, and where they give birth to their babies,” said Holly Cummings, an OB-GYN in Philadelphia and chair of the Pennsylvania section of the American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology, a leading physician organization. “But I do also believe a hospital or an accredited birth center is the safest place to give birth. I don’t think in the U.S. in 2026 we can currently safely, uniformly support home birth.”

    ACOG does not support traditional midwives, who can also be known as lay midwives.

    But traditional midwives maintain they should be able to continue their work outside the medical system’s framework, citing it as a religious tradition and safe practice, and hope the judge rules in their favor.

    “Pennsylvania has a rich history of midwifery,” said the midwife listed in the lawsuit who serves parts of eastern Pennsylvania. “We have some of the highest home-birth numbers in the country. … It would be sad to see Pennsylvania not acknowledge the heritage in midwifery that we have here.”

    Staff writer Sarah Gantz contributed to this article.