Category: New York Times

  • For heirs of Custer and Sitting Bull, a 150-year-old battle is personal

    For heirs of Custer and Sitting Bull, a 150-year-old battle is personal

    CROW AGENCY, Mont. — As a child in South Dakota, Ernie LaPointe was told: Don’t tell anyone who your great-grandfather was.

    If his neighbors or friends knew he was descended from Sitting Bull, the storied Hunkpapa Lakota leader, he would never have a normal childhood, his mother told him.

    “‘There will be a time and place when you get the permission to do it,’” LaPointe, now 77, recalled his mother saying.

    LaPointe kept mum until the early 1990s, when, he said, an aunt told him it was time to “come out from the shadows.”

    Now he protects the legacy of Sitting Bull, who helped lead the resistance to the U.S. government’s seizure of the Great Plains and became perhaps even more famous in death than in life.

    Almost 150 years ago, Sitting Bull’s followers defeated Lt. Col. George Armstrong Custer and the 7th Cavalry Regiment of the U.S. Army in the Battle of the Little Bighorn, one of the most closely studied and hotly debated military clashes in American history. Sitting Bull is said to have had a vision that presaged a great victory, which came weeks later for warriors led by Crazy Horse.

    More than a thousand miles south, in Arizona, Chip Custer’s lineage was not something he could have hidden, even if he wanted to.

    He was born George Armstrong Custer IV, the great-great-grand-nephew of the famous lieutenant colonel. After his father (George Armstrong Custer III) died suddenly in 1991, Chip inherited the job of minding the legacy of a man who is among the most lionized, and vilified, figures in American history.

    Chip Custer, 70, has long been familiar with the criticism — of Custer’s devastating offensive against the Cheyenne, of his military tactics, of his ego. He hopes people will try to view his relative in his full complexity, in light of his successes and in the context of his time.

    “If someone wrote a thousand stories about me,” he added, “what would I end up looking like after all the time under the microscope?”

    Last week, crowds converged where the Little Bighorn River snakes through grassy hills in southeastern Montana and where Custer and all of his men died during an attack on a Native American encampment on June 25, 1876. There were reenactments, ceremonies, and talk of a new visitor center scheduled to be completed in the coming months.

    To the Lakota, Northern Cheyenne, and other tribes, the battlefield remains hallowed ground, a place of great triumph over a government that suppressed their way of life.

    To historians, it remains an inexhaustible source for debate. Had one cavalry major been drinking? Was Custer undone by recklessness or flawed intelligence?

    Chip Custer and Ernie LaPointe are students of the battle and fluent in its intricacies, but their interest is not simply in military history. It is based in a mission to preserve their family legacies.

    “The blood of my great-grandfather is in me,” LaPointe said. “He cared for the people; he cared for everything. He even cared for the people who tried to kill him.”

    Custer’s kin

    Chip Custer first visited the battlefield in 1976, for the 100th anniversary of the battle, as a 21-year-old hippie with no expressed interest in family history. He drove up from college to surprise his father, a retired Army officer who had fought in three wars.

    As they sat through a quiet ceremony near what is known as Last Stand Hill, the American Indian Movement leader Russell Means spoke out to celebrate the cavalry’s defeat.

    “My father, of course, was incensed over the way that whole event went,” Custer said. “So that was my introduction.”

    The national park was known as Custer Battlefield National Monument then, though Native American activists had begun to draw attention to the site’s narrow focus on the more than 260 U.S. deaths, part of a wider discussion of broken treaties and American expansionism.

    White marble headstones peeked out of the grass across the haunting prairie to mark where soldiers had fallen. The same was not true for the 60 to 100 Native Americans who the National Park Service has estimated died that day.

    “You’d see that powerful landscape out there and it was just the 7th Cavalry headstones,” said John Doerner, who was an historian at the battlefield for more than 20 years.

    Perspectives were evolving. Chip Custer said his father recognized that depictions of their relative — long embraced by many as a gallant, fearless commander carrying out Washington’s will to push Native Americans toward reservations — had grown more complicated.

    In 1970, the movie Little Big Man portrayed Custer as a vain commander who foolishly led his soldiers to slaughter. Chip Custer remembers watching it on an Arizona army base and that his red-faced father stormed out. His father was similarly upset in 1991 at a proposal to drop the family name from the site. He died of a heart attack just months before Congress rechristened it the Little Bighorn Battlefield National Monument.

    In the decades since, Chip has served as an occasional spokesperson for the Custer legacy, even as he ran a landscape design business and raised two daughters with his wife. Chip is descended from one of the famed soldier’s brothers, Nevin, whose health problems prevented him from joining the military. Two of George Armstrong Custer’s brothers died with him on the battlefield.

    Chip has written about Custer’s rowdy days at West Point and his celebrated successes as a Civil War “boy general,” which included commanding the Michigan Cavalry Brigade in the Battle of Gettysburg. He has spoken to groups of Custer buffs.

    In 2021, he opposed calls to remove a Custer statue in Monroe, Mich., the lieutenant colonel’s hometown. In a letter to the City Council, Chip argued that Custer, in his writings, had recognized why Native Americans resisted the confinement of reservations and that he had unfairly become the “poster boy for all wrongs committed against the American Indians during our roughly 250 years as a nation.”

    The council ultimately left the monument as is.

    When it comes to that final battle, Chip Custer believes his relative unquestionably shoulders some blame for the outcome, though some point fingers at subordinates.

    “I think he would, as any commander, accept full responsibility for how that all played out,” he said. “But I regret that we only remember him by the last day of his life.”

    Sitting with history

    For LaPointe, an Army veteran born on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation in South Dakota, the challenge has been defending, not his relative’s legacy, but his own.

    After LaPointe publicly embraced his lineage, he began representing the family at events like the 1992 dedication of a bronze bust of his great-grandfather to the National Hall of Fame for Famous American Indians, in Oklahoma. But in the face of competing claims, his connection was still closely scrutinized by the Smithsonian in the mid-2000s as it worked to repatriate some of Sitting Bull’s belongings. Once satisfied, the museum gave LaPointe a braid of Sitting Bull’s hair and a pair of wool leggings obtained by a doctor who had custody of the Lakota leader’s body after his death.

    Sitting Bull was fatally shot in 1890 on the Standing Rock Indian Reservation during a botched arrest by Native American police officers following orders from U.S. officials. In the years after the Battle of the Little Bighorn, the U.S. government had responded to the loss by escalating its efforts to force Native Americans onto reservations.

    LaPointe’s ancestry was later scientifically confirmed by a Danish researcher, who did a DNA test on a small clipping of his great-grandfather’s hair. When the results were published, news of LaPointe’s lineage ricocheted across domestic and international media. It escalated the outreach he had long received from people who claim to be his long-lost kin.

    “They call, they email, they come to the house,” said Sonja LaPointe, his wife of more than 30 years. “One guy from Wisconsin brought his Winchester to the house because he wanted to take a picture with Ernie.”

    LaPointe was involved in the creation of an Indian memorial at the Little Bighorn battlefield, and in 2003 he attended the dedication of a sculpture by Colleen Cutschall, an Oglala-Sicangu Lakota artist. The bronze outline of warriors on horseback is level with the horizon, with the sky and grassy hills shining through the tableau.

    With permission from park rangers, LaPointe had a pipe ceremony at the memorial that night and said he noticed something special in the air. “You could hear the horse hooves all around us,” he said.

    LaPointe was also asked to share the oral histories he had heard as a child with Doerner, who worked to add red granite markers where Native American warriors fell.

    LaPointe and Custer have each been to multiple events at the battlefield, but neither planned to attend the anniversary this week. Sonja LaPointe said her husband and Custer briefly crossed paths at a battlefield event years ago, but the men do not remember meeting.

    Around 2007, LaPointe did speak with Chip’s uncle, Brice Custer, who called him after LaPointe gave a talk in George Armstrong Custer’s hometown.

    Brice, who named one of his sons Garry Owen after the 7th Cavalry marching song, told LaPointe he had not felt well enough to make the trip but wanted to express how much respect he had for Sitting Bull.

    “I said I appreciated his call,” LaPointe recalled, “and I don’t hold any animosities toward nobody.”

    “‘It happened many years ago,’ I said. ‘I think we have to heal from that.’ He agreed.”

    This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

  • Margaret Kerry, body and soul of Disney’s Tinker Bell, dies at 97

    Margaret Kerry, body and soul of Disney’s Tinker Bell, dies at 97

    Margaret Kerry, who through months of graceful and poignant pantomime inspired the portrayal of the Peter Pan fairy Tinker Bell that the world knows best, died on June 11 at her home in Wilmington, N.C. She was 97.

    The cause was lung cancer, her family announced on social media.

    Tinker Bell’s origins lie in Peter Pan, or The Boy Who Wouldn’t Grow Up (1904), a play by the British writer J.M. Barrie later expanded into a novel, Peter and Wendy (1911). Barrie invented “fairy dust” to explain how Tinker Bell could enable children to fly, but in his story, she was “quite a common fairy” who fixes pots and pans. Peter ultimately forgets about her, and in stage performances, she was only a spotlight.

    With Ms. Kerry’s help, Disney’s original animated film adaptation, Peter Pan (1953), produced a version of Tinker Bell that became definitive.

    In the movie, the fairy communicates only through movement and expression; she does not speak.

    To reinvent and animate the character, Marc Davis — the illustrator behind Snow White, Cinderella, and Cruella de Vil — oversaw an industrial equivalent of the modeling demanded by perfectionist painters like Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres or Paul Cézanne. Along with a few prop specialists, a camera operator, a makeup artist, and one or more directors, he spent more than six months having an actor act out everything he wanted Tinker Bell to do.

    “Marc Davis is a man’s man — how does he know how a 3½-inch sprite is going to move, get angry, or stamp her foot?” Ms. Kerry said to the Los Angeles Times in 2002. “And how does he know what kind of emotion would go behind that?”

    Ms. Kerry brought a record player to her audition for Davis and director Gerry Geronimi. With musical backing, she did a pantomime of making breakfast: Peering into a refrigerator, juggling eggs, closing the fridge door with her foot — “as much variety of movement as I could do in the context of a little story,” she said in a 2003 interview with historian Jim Korkis.

    She got the job. The first time she stepped onto Disney’s enormous, empty soundstage, she asked Davis who he wanted her to be — ditsy like Betty Boop? Above it all, like the Queen of the Fairies?

    “He said, very quietly, ‘Margaret, we want her to be you,’” Ms. Kerry recalled in an interview with author and YouTube host Jonathan Rosen.

    “At that moment,” she told Parade in 2016, “Tinker Bell and I became one.”

    One day she was asked, What would it look like if Tinker Bell landed on a mirror and saw herself? Ms. Kerry thought perhaps she would never have seen her reflection, so she began a preening once-over — until she reached her hips, got upset and stormed off. That became a scene in Peter Pan.

    She was asked to fall onto a mattress — which, she soon discovered, was rather thin, causing her to thud on impact. Her look of pained surprise also made it into the film.

    She was asked to pout. She demonstrated a whole menu of pouts and asked, What kind do you want?

    She imagined Tinker Bell as a 13-year-old girl. That helped Davis capture one of the character’s most distinctive traits: Barrie’s idea that fairies are so small that they “have room for one feeling only at a time.” Davis’ Tink is consumed by competitiveness with Wendy, or consumed by fear for Peter — always just one feeling, felt to the utmost.

    Margaret Kerry was born Margaret McCarty on May 11, 1929, in Springfield, Ill. Her mother died in childbirth and her father was unable to take care of his five children, Parade reported. She was adopted at 3 by Frederick and Grace (Lynch) Robb, who lived in Los Angeles.

    Robb was a salesperson for Durametallic Corp., an industrial manufacturer. The couple decided their adoptive daughter was “as cute as Shirley Temple,” Kerry later recalled, and by the time she was 4 she was in Central Casting. She found a lot of work in Hollywood, including appearing in eight of the Our Gang short films about the Little Rascals.

    Her stage name was originally Peggy Lynch. In 1948, she played the daughter of Eddie Cantor’s character in the movie If You Knew Susie. She changed her name to Margaret Kerry at Cantor’s suggestion.

    In later years, she did voice-over work and hosted a weekly Christian talk show on Los Angeles radio.

    She married Dick Brown, a television producer and director, in 1951. They divorced in the 1980s. Her marriage to Jack Willcox, in 1987, ended with his death in 1999. She is survived by three children from her first marriage, Eric Norquist, Christina McCarty, and Ellen Seibel, as well as several grandchildren.

    In 2019, a veteran of D-Day, Robert Boeke, visited Europe to mark its 75th anniversary. He passed a store in Amsterdam called Tinker Bell Toys and said to a travel buddy, “I have been in love with Tinker Bell all my life.”

    He was being literal: Boeke and Kerry dated when he was a college student in Los Angeles. A friend of his promptly found her email address and sent her a note. He assumed she had forgotten him.

    But the email, like a bit of fairy dust, caused something to improbably take flight. Ms. Kerry had saved a piece of jewelry that Boeke gave her all those years ago.

    On Valentine’s Day 2020, they married. They got together just in time to keep each other company through the coronavirus pandemic, and Boeke lived until just 2½ weeks before Kerry’s death. She told Rosen, “It was love at second sight.”

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • Mark Singer, longtime writer for the New Yorker, dies at 75

    Mark Singer, longtime writer for the New Yorker, dies at 75

    Mark Singer, a staff writer at the New Yorker from the age of 23 who extended the magazine’s franchise of rich reporting and witty prose about offbeat, complicated, and quintessentially American characters, died Friday in New York City. He was 75.

    The cause of death, in a hospital, was cancer of the salivary gland, his son Tim said.

    Mr. Singer wrote urbane “Talk of the Town” pieces for the front of the magazine, reflected on serious national matters like the Affordable Care Act, and did a hitch traveling the country as the correspondent for the “U.S. Journal” column.

    But he was best known as a profiler. His subjects included magician Ricky Jay, whom he called “perhaps the most gifted sleight of hand artist alive”; a set of four door attendant brothers in New York; and a braggadocious real estate developer, Donald Trump, years before he ran for office.

    “He came out of the tradition of A.J. Liebling and Joseph Mitchell and Calvin Trillin, which is to say he combined meticulous reporting and a very distinctive comic voice, which is extremely rare,” David Remnick, the magazine’s editor, said in an interview.

    An Oklahoma native, Mr. Singer moved back to the state for an immersive series of articles in 1985 that became a book, Funny Money. It is about a small suburban bank that wildly pumped up its balance sheet during an energy boom, led by a buffoonish cast of executives, including one who wore Mickey Mouse ears to work.

    A 2005 collection of Mr. Singer’s profiles, Character Studies, was subtitled Encounters with the Curiously Obsessed, a description that matched the author himself.

    The book included pieces about a group of Texans searching for the missing skull of Pancho Villa and a family of fanatic California farmers, the Chinos, who grew vegetables for chef Alice Waters of Chez Panisse (who happened to be married to Mr. Singer’s brother Stephen).

    “Singer’s voice is pitched perfectly to the register of The New Yorker: cool and intelligent, with a wry and artful skepticism uncorrupted by cynicism,” Jeff Macgregor wrote in The New York Times Book Review. “Neither aloof nor Olympian, he maintains instead an efficient distance from his subjects. He is a terrific reporter, with a receptive ear for dialogue and a painter’s eye for the salient detail.”

    The collection included Mr. Singer’s 1993 profile of Jay, with accounts of his performing mind-boggling card tricks and memory feats, which Mr. Singer witnessed over a two-year acquaintance.

    “He has small hands — just large enough so that a playing card fits within the plane of his palm,” Mr. Singer observed. “There is a slightly raised pad of flesh on the underside of the first joint of each finger.”

    He was much less stoked to be assigned by Tina Brown, then editor of the New Yorker, to profile Trump in 1997.

    Observing him over several months on construction sites, in his Trump Tower office, and on a private plane, Mr. Singer concluded that Trump, in the period before he became a reality TV star, was a man “who had aspired to and achieved the ultimate luxury, an existence unmolested by the rumbling of a soul.”

    “That profile,” Remnick said, “got everything about Trump 20 years before he ran for president: the vanity, the casual cruelty, the outsized selfishness. It was all there.”

    The profile was included in Character Studies, and after the Times review mentioned it, Trump wrote a letter to the editor attacking Mr. Singer as “not born with great writing ability.”

    Mr. Singer sent a mock thank you to Trump for the publicity, which apparently bumped his book higher on the Amazon book charts. He also enclosed a check for $37.82, “a small token of my enormous gratitude,” he wrote.

    Trump returned the letter with an all-caps note at the bottom, reading, in part, “MARK — YOU ARE A TOTAL LOSER.”

    Trump also cashed the $37.82 check, Mr. Singer later said. Singer framed a photocopy of it for his apartment.

    In 1999, Mr. Singer took on the challenge of solving the mystery of Joseph Mitchell, the magazine’s revered, Joycean profiler of New York eccentrics, who came to the office for 32 years without publishing a piece after 1964. Mr. Singer, who never quite solved the reasons for Mitchell’s epic writer’s block, quoted Philip Hamburger, a friend of Mitchell’s: “Why didn’t he write more? Well, he wrote enough.”

    Mark Jay Singer was born Oct. 19, 1950, in Tulsa, Okla., the middle of five children of Alexander and Marjorie (Teller) Singer. His father ran an oil and gas business, Singer Brothers, which had been founded by his own father and an uncle, whose family members were Jewish immigrants from Russia.

    Mr. Singer attended Yale University, where he found a mentor in William Zinsser, a nonfiction writing teacher whose classic guide, On Writing Well, preaches cutting clutter from sentences and choosing the precise word. (He also first introduced Mr. Singer to Mitchell’s work.)

    Mr. Singer received his bachelor’s degree in English in 1972. Two years later, he was hired by the New Yorker, at a time when the magazine offered an on-ramp to promising but inexperienced young writers, who sank or swam by writing unbylined pieces for “The Talk of the Town.”

    Mr. Singer married Rhonda Klein, a lawyer, in 1972. The marriage ended in divorce, as did a second marriage, to Caroline Mailhot.

    Besides his son Tim, from his first marriage, he is survived by his partner, Lisa Brody; his sons Jeb and Reid, also from his first marriage; a son, Paul Mailhot-Singer, from his second marriage; two grandchildren; and his siblings George, Stephen, and Sandra Anderson.

    Singer is also the author of Citizen K: The Deeply Weird American Journey of Brett Kimberlin (1996), an expanded version of a New Yorker profile of a drug smuggler, murder suspect, and media manipulator that was a finalist for a National Magazine Award; and the collection Somewhere in America: Under the Radar with Chicken Warriors, Left-Wing Patriots, Angry Nudists and Others (2004).

    The New Yorker writer Ian Frazier, who shared an office with Singer when both were tyros, recalled that his colleague and friend once buttonholed William Shawn, the magazine’s famously reserved former editor, at a wedding reception. Singer told Shawn a long-winded anecdote about his own first wedding.

    As the editor seemed to recoil, searching the ceiling, Singer itemized an elaborate menu he had requested from a Jewish caterer — bagels, herring, etc. — after which the caterer said, “So far, you’re giving them nothing.”

    Laughter ensued.

    “Mark and I,” Frazier said, “would talk about, What is writing? That’s writing,” he said of Singer’s lengthy tale delivered with confidence to a defensive audience. “When you can sense a real wind and just keep going with it.”

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • Jean Houston, ‘midwife of souls’ who advised Hillary Clinton, dies at 89

    Jean Houston, ‘midwife of souls’ who advised Hillary Clinton, dies at 89

    Jean Houston, a spellbinding figure in the human potential movement of the 1960s who used guided imagery to inspire unmoored suburbanites, burned-out executives, and even Hillary Clinton, helping Clinton conduct imaginary conversations at the White House with Eleanor Roosevelt, died on May 16 at her home in Ashland, Ore. She was 89.

    Her death was confirmed by her friend and business partner, Constance Buffalo.

    The daughter of a gag writer for Bob Hope, George Burns, and Henny Youngman, Ms. Houston rejected any association with the word “guru,” viewing it as an intellectual demotion. She called herself an “evocateur of the possible” and a “midwife of souls.”

    “In my definition, guru is spelled ‘Gee, You Are You,’” she said on the Oprah Winfrey television show Super Soul Sunday. “I seem to be a process. I seem to be a verb of becoming, and held by the lure of becoming that keeps us going on.”

    As the founder of numerous organizations, including the Human Capacities Corp., Mystery School, Social Artistry School, and the Possible Society, Ms. Houston led workshops at empowerment retreats, in corporate boardrooms, at her geodesic-domed house in Oregon, and in far-flung countries with the United Nations.

    “She had a remarkable capacity to be present to others,” Robertson Work, a U.N. policy adviser who accompanied her on trips around the world, said in an interview. “You felt like you were being seen. You could discover: ‘What is my greatness? What is my potential?’”

    Ms. Houston synthesized mythology, the psychology of Carl Jung and Joseph Campbell, and the experiential ethos of Esalen, the California retreat that shaped the human potential movement.

    During her multiday workshops, participants engaged in imaginary conversations with historical figures like Mahatma Gandhi and Pablo Picasso, acted out the stages of evolution while pretending to be a fish or a monkey, and translated their dreams into elaborate dances.

    “The idea was that it’s possible to cultivate a higher power within yourself,” Marion Goldman, a professor emeritus of sociology and religious studies at the University of Oregon and the author of The American Soul Rush: Esalen and the Rise of Spiritual Privilege (2012), said in an interview. “By making the self a better place, you make the world a better place.”

    In addition to her workshops, Ms. Houston published more than two dozen books, including The Possible Human: A Course in Enhancing Your Physical, Mental and Creative Abilities (1982), which sold more than 400,000 copies.

    “The imaginal realms of inner space proliferate and spill over into the external world in a phenomenal growth of new science, art, music, literature, politics, and above all in a new vision of mankind and world that is the glory of humanism,” she wrote in the book’s introduction.

    There were dissenters.

    Writing in Skeptical Inquirer magazine, Martin Gardner, a critic of pseudoscience, called Ms. Houston’s workshops “bewildering” and judged her “flowery New Age jargon” to be “so vague and murky that it is often difficult to understand.” (Adding insult to injury, the article’s headline labeled her a guru.)

    Still, her pull was gravitational — even at the White House. In 1994, Ms. Houston was among a group of motivational speakers whom President Bill Clinton and the first lady invited to Camp David for a series of pick-me-up conversations after their universal healthcare initiative failed and Republicans took control of Congress.

    She and Hillary Clinton hit it off.

    “Jean wraps herself in brightly colored capes and caftans and dominates the room with her larger-than-life presence and crackling wit,” Hillary Clinton wrote in her memoir Living History (2003). “She is a walking encyclopedia, reciting poems, passages from great works of literature, historical facts and scientific data all in the same breath.”

    Ms. Houston helped Hillary Clinton prepare for a visit to India, Nepal, and Bangladesh in 1995. That year, the first lady invited her to the White House to brainstorm ideas for It Takes a Village, Hillary Clinton’s book about the well-being of children.

    Hillary Clinton was physically and mentally exhausted. Perhaps, Ms. Houston suggested, she should speak with her hero, Eleanor Roosevelt. The idea was for Clinton to talk as herself and then answer back as Roosevelt — the sort of role-playing exercise that Ms. Houston had conducted thousands of times.

    At some point, she described the sessions with Clinton to the Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward, who recounted the details in his 1996 book, The Choice. After an excerpt appeared in the Post, tabloids and Republican opponents of the Clintons accused the first lady of holding seances at the White House.

    Hillary Clinton released a lengthy statement in her defense. “This was an interesting intellectual exercise to help spark my own thoughts,” she said. “It was a brainstorming session for my book — not a spiritual event.”

    In an appearance on the Today show, Ms. Houston told Katie Couric that she was simply helping the first lady focus her mind by imagining “what she would say to Eleanor Roosevelt should she have the occasion to do so.”

    Houston felt that she had been unfairly maligned.

    “I’m not a psychic,” she said. “I’m not a guru.”

    Jean Houston was born on May 10, 1937, in Brooklyn. Her mother, Mary (Todaro) Houston, was an actor, interior designer, and stock analyst. Her father, Jack Houston, was a comedy writer.

    Growing up, she found inspiration in a dummy. When she was 8, she accompanied her father to deliver a script to the ventriloquist Edgar Bergen. Upon arriving, they found Bergen talking to his plastic-and-wood buddy, Charlie McCarthy.

    “Charlie, what is the meaning of life?” Bergen asked the dummy, as Ms. Houston recalled in her memoir, A Mythic Life (1996). “What is the nature of love? Is there any truth to be found?”

    The dummy mumbled some answers.

    “At that moment,” Ms. Houston wrote, “my skin turned to gooseflesh, an electric hand seemed to touch mine, and a fractal wave of my future activities crashed on the shore of my 8-year-old self. For I suddenly knew that we all contain ‘so much more’ than we think we do.”

    Her epiphanies proliferated. On a school trip, she met Helen Keller and marveled at how happy she seemed despite being blind and deaf. She joined an international pen pal club and corresponded about the scriptures of Sikhs, Hindus, and Buddhists. She had long conversations with an old man in Central Park; later, she discovered that she had been talking to philosopher Pierre Teilhard de Chardin.

    “When you befriend your own brain,” she said, “a great deal becomes possible.”

    At Barnard, she studied religion and theater, acting in off-Broadway plays at night. She attended a doctoral program in religion offered by Columbia University and the Union Theological Seminary, but did not receive a degree. (She later received one in psychology from Union Institute in Cincinnati.)

    During graduate school, while conducting studies on LSD use, she met Robert E.L. Masters Jr., a writer. They married in 1965 and spent their honeymoon writing The Varieties of Psychedelic Experience, which was reviewed on the cover of the New York Times Book Review.

    Also in 1965, the couple founded the Foundation for Mind Research, the first of many organizations that Ms. Houston started to promote and study human potential.

    “We are living at the beginnings of the golden age of brain, mind, and body research,” she told the Washington Post in 1978. “We may well be standing, with regard to these, where Einstein stood in the year 1904 with his discovery of the special theory of relativity.”

    Masters died in 2008. Ms. Houston has no immediate survivors.

    Among her fondest memories was her childhood meeting with Keller, who was then in her late 60s — a story she recounted often.

    Keller put her hand on Jean’s face to read her lips.

    “Why are you so happy?” Jean asked.

    “My child,” Keller responded, “it is because I live my life each day as if it were my last. And life in all its moments is so full of glory.”

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • James Bradley, co-author of ‘Flags of Our Fathers,’ dies at 72

    James Bradley, co-author of ‘Flags of Our Fathers,’ dies at 72

    James Bradley, who turned his curiosity about his father’s time in the Navy during the Battle of Iwo Jima — and the long-held but ultimately mistaken belief that he was in the iconic photograph of six servicemen raising the American flag on Mount Suribachi — into the bestselling book Flags of Our Fathers (2000), died on June 5. He was 72.

    His daughter Alison Cinnamond confirmed the death but declined to provide further details.

    Flags of Our Fathers, which Mr. Bradley wrote with Ron Powers, a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist, spent 46 weeks on the New York Times bestseller list, climbing to No. 1, and was adapted into a 2006 film directed by Clint Eastwood. Ryan Phillippe played his father in the movie.

    Flags tells the stories of the six flag-raisers — John (Doc) Bradley and five Marines — through the brutal, five-week-long battle against Japanese forces on Iwo Jima, a tiny volcanic island.

    The battle claimed the lives of some 6,800 American service members, including three of the flag raisers. Bradley’s narrative followed the survivors — his father, Rene Gagnon, and Ira Hayes — on the national war bonds tour that they starred in upon their return to the United States and their sometimes difficult postwar lives.

    Doc Bradley, who became a funeral director in Antigo, Wisc., told his family little about his time in combat, or the fact that he had received the Navy Cross, the branch’s second highest award for valor, for treating and rescuing a wounded Marine while under mortar and machine-gun fire on Iwo Jima.

    But after his death in 1994, his family rummaged through boxes he had left behind. One of the items was a letter to his parents, postmarked Feb. 26, 1945, three days after the flag-raising photo was taken by Joe Rosenthal of the Associated Press. An image of the Pulitzer-winning photo appeared on the 3-cent stamp and on millions of war-bond drive posters. The picture also inspired the design of the Marine Corps War Memorial in Arlington, Va.

    In his letter, Doc Bradley wrote, “I had a little thing to do with the raising of the American flag and it was the happiest moment of my life.”

    The letter stunned his family.

    “If that was the happiest moment of his life,” James Bradley told the Times in 2000, “why had he never talked about it?”

    For nearly 70 years, there was little, if any, dispute that Doc Bradley was in Rosenthal’s brilliantly composed picture. The Marine Corps had, after all, named the six participants. James Bradley had no doubt of his father’s role, describing in Flags how he had dropped a handful of bandages before joining the other five men at the flagpole where he “gripped the pole in the cluster’s center.”

    But in 2014, an article in the Omaha World Herald described serious doubts raised by amateur historians that Doc Bradley was in the photograph. James Bradley was, at first, dubious.

    “Listen, I wrote a book based on facts, told to me by guys who had actually been there,” he told the newspaper. “That’s my research. That’s what I trust. At the end of the day, the truth is the truth. Everything is possible. But really?”

    He eventually took a deeper look at the paper’s findings and became convinced that his father had not been in Rosenthal’s picture but had been in a less dramatic one, with a smaller flag, taken earlier in the day on Feb. 23 by a Marine photographer, which the service branch confirmed.

    In 2016, a Marine Corps investigation — prompted by findings in a documentary, The Unknown Flag Raiser of Iwo Jima — concluded that Harold Schultz, a private first class, was the man in the image long identified as Doc Bradley.

    Cinnamond, James Bradley’s daughter, said in an interview that her father didn’t feel that the book was diminished by the finding, but that he wanted the Marine Corps to get its facts straight about who was actually in the photo.

    Indeed, it was not the only misidentification in the photo. In 1947, the Marine Corps said it had credited Henry Hansen for being in the photo when it had actually been Harlon Block. In 2019, the Marines determined that Gagnon, one of the Marines featured in Bradley’s book, had “contributed to the flag-raising,” but that Harold Keller was actually in the photo.

    James Joseph Bradley was born on Feb. 18, 1954, in Antigo. He was one of eight children of John and Elizabeth (Van Gorp) Bradley. James received a bachelor’s degree in East Asian history from the University of Wisconsin-Madison in 1977.

    Mr. Bradley was, at first, a traveling cookware salesperson, then built a career as a corporate events and video producer. Without training as a writer or researcher, he began writing Flags on his own, but his proposal was rejected by 27 publishers, one of whom told Mr. Bradley that “no one wants to read a book about old men weeping into the telephone.”

    One of his agents then brought Powers on as a collaborator; he had won the 1973 Pulitzer for criticism while writing for the Chicago Sun-Times. Bantam Books soon acquired the book.

    The book was one of several successful works during a decade that detailed the bravery of American soldiers during World War II, among them Stephen Ambrose’s D-Day: June 6, 1944 (1994); Tom Brokaw’s The Greatest Generation (1998); Steven Spielberg’s film Saving Private Ryan (1998); and the HBO miniseries Band of Brothers.

    In his review of Flags of Our Fathers in the Times, journalist Richard Bernstein called it “most affecting not because of its graphic portrayal of men at war, although its portrayal rivals Saving Private Ryan in its shocking, unvarnished immediacy.”

    Mr. Bradley continued to write about Asia in three subsequent nonfiction books. In Flyboys: A True Story of Courage (2003), he told the stories of nine American pilots, including the future President George H.W. Bush, who were shot down by the Japanese near the island of Chichijima during World War II. While Bush was rescued by an American submarine, the other eight were captured and executed by the Japanese.

    In The Imperial Cruise: A Secret History of Empire and War (2009), Mr. Bradley wrote critically about what he saw as President Theodore Roosevelt’s diplomatic mistakes in Asia.

    “Bradley explores the racist underpinnings of Roosevelt’s policies and paradoxical embrace of the Japanese as ‘honorary Aryans,’” Publishers Weekly wrote in its review, but added, “Bradley’s critique of Rooseveltian imperialism is compelling but unbalanced.”

    And in The China Mirage: The Hidden History of American Disaster in Asia (2015), Mr. Bradley described what he viewed as America’s long-running misunderstanding of China, dating to the early 1800s.

    He also wrote a novel, Precious Freedom (2025), set during the Vietnam War.

    Mr. Bradley’s three marriages ended in divorce. He is survived by two daughters, Cinnamond and Michelle Bradley, from his marriage to Eileen Heywood; two more children, Jack Bradley and Ava Bradley, from his marriage to Laura Shuler; two sisters, Kathleen and Barbara Bradley; five brothers, Steven, Mark, Patrick, Joseph and Thomas; and two grandchildren. He was also married to Shelley Tupper.

    In 1998, Mr. Bradley, his mother, and three of his brothers traveled to Iwo Jima at the invitation of Gen. Charles C. Krulak, the Marine Corps commandant. After climbing to the spot on Mount Suribachi where the celebrated Rosenthal photo was taken, Mr. Bradley asked that everyone, including the Marines in attendance, sing the only songs that Doc Bradley said he knew: “Home on the Range” and “I’ve Been Working on the Railroad.”

    “I knew, without looking up, that everyone standing on the mountaintop — Marines young and old, women and men; my family — was weeping,” Mr. Bradley wrote in Flags. “Tears were streaming down my own face. Behind me, I could hear the hoarse sobs coming from my brother Joe.”

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • Trump, claiming vandalism, says Reflecting Pool will be drained

    WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump said on Saturday that “multiple individuals” had been arrested for vandalizing the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, and that problems with a more than $14 million renovation project had become so severe that the pool would have to be at least partly drained for “necessary repairs.”

    The president’s announcement late Saturday, made on social media, was his starkest acknowledgment of the pool’s rapid deterioration in recent days. The water this week became covered by clouds of blooming algae, which were obscuring a floor that had just been painted a shade that Trump has called “American flag blue.” The paint then began to peel off, making it a tourist destination for unusual reasons.

    Among those accused of vandalism was David Carter Hearn, 67, a cyclist and three-time Olympian as a canoeist who says he stopped at the site Friday just to have a look, then reached down to touch a strip of peeling blue paint mixed with the algae.

    The U.S. Park Police arrested Hearn shortly after, accusing him of destroying government property, a crime that can carry up to a 10-year prison sentence. Hearn denies the charge.

    “I was just a curious, concerned citizen,” he said in an interview. “I guess I was there at the wrong place, wrong time.”

    The administration has not released the names of others accused of vandalizing the pool, a crime that Trump said Saturday could lead to “years in jail.” In a later post, he said without evidence that vandals had “poured corrosive and destructive chemicals into the Pool.”

    The project, one of many Trump is undertaking around the capital as the United States nears its 250th birthday, has faced intense scrutiny, including from engineers and other experts who warned that the hastily undertaken project was unlikely to undo the problems that have plagued the pool for decades. A construction company tied to Trump was awarded a no-bid contract and painted the bottom of the pool.

    Trump said Saturday that he had met with contractors earlier in the day to discuss the state of the pool.

    The Interior Department said this week that agency workers had “killed the algae” that had expanded with heat and humidity. But on Friday afternoon, the water was stained by clumps of algae where National Park Service staff members had scrubbed away bright green blooms along the bottom of the basin. The pool’s new coating was also missing large sections, including a gap roughly the size of a park bench. Underneath appeared to be the original concrete basin.

    Hearn, of Bethesda, Md., said that he was on a 50-mile bike ride before stopping at the pool, and that Park Police officers detained him for more than four hours Friday at a facility south of the National Mall without allowing a phone call. They also did not say more about why he had been arrested, he added. The White House and Park Police did not respond to requests for comment.

    Late Friday, Trump claimed on social media that the “inside surface that was just installed” had been damaged by vandals.

    Hearn said that he had “reached into the water to feel the characteristics” of a dislodged paint piece “still attached to the bottom.” He compared his actions to those of Jonathan Karl, an ABC News reporter who lifted a detached piece of paint at the pool Thursday in a video the news organization published.

    “I didn’t remove anything,” Hearn said. “I was bending and feeling this 2-millimeter-thick, rubbery flap.”

    Until his retirement 18 months ago, Hearn ran a company selling special materials for building canoes. That, he said, made him particularly interested in the materials contractors had used before the paint at the base of the pool began peeling.

    Hearn said that he had already received offers of pro bono representation following his arrest.

    “I’m getting a lot of support from my community,” he added.

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • A diocese tries to protect its 29-foot Jesus from Trump’s border wall

    A diocese tries to protect its 29-foot Jesus from Trump’s border wall

    LAS CRUCES, N.M. — At sunrise, when the day’s first golden glow washes over the 29-foot-tall limestone Jesus atop Mount Cristo Rey, Lourdes Castañon feels the presence of the divine. “The rays catch it,” he said, “and, oh man, I think I’m touching the face of God.”

    Countless pilgrims from around the world journey to the sacred site just on New Mexico’s side of the southwestern border, but Castañon fears for its future. At the mountain’s base, President Donald Trump wants to build his border wall, and the small Catholic diocese that owns the land is trying to stop it.

    The Department of Homeland Security is attempting to use eminent domain to seize 14 acres of desert from the diocese, based in Las Cruces, N.M., so it can raise about 1.5 miles of new wall. The church claims a towering steel barrier would desecrate a holy landmark and violate the religious liberties of those who wish to worship there.

    “It will look like a scar on Mother Earth,” said Castañon, 74, a volunteer with the Mount Cristo Rey Restoration Committee, an independent group that works to keep the site clean and accessible.

    Homeland Security sued to wrest control of the land from the diocese last month, offering about $180,000 as compensation. The diocese, which had pleaded with the Trump administration to consider alternatives to a wall, countered in court, arguing that the lawsuit flouted the First Amendment and laws to further protect religious freedom.

    “The wall is a physical manifestation of this government’s attitude toward migrants,” the diocese said Friday in a legal brief that detailed its arguments and included testimony from local bishops and others. “Nothing could be less Catholic.”

    The ongoing federal case is the latest example of opposition to a border wall Trump wants to extend across the entire southern frontier. Since Trump’s first term, aggrieved landowners, environmentalists, and Native American tribes have fought the president’s barrier-building, tying up government lawyers in court.

    The Trump administration has claimed broad authority over wall construction, but opponents have secured a few tentative wins, including this year in Texas’ Big Bend National Park, where U.S. Customs and Border Protection had to change plans after a bipartisan outcry.

    Now, an administration that holds itself up as a defender of the devout is facing off with Catholics asserting their freedom of religion.

    “This is not a battle between the church and the government; it’s a battle between symbols,” said Deacon Jim Winder, the chancellor of the diocese. “One is a 29-foot statue of Christ the King, which is meant to symbolize unity and hope, and the other is a 30-foot iron monstrosity that symbolizes exclusion and division. Our symbol was there first. The wall is an in-your-face insult.”

    Customs and Border Protection has acknowledged Mount Cristo Rey’s significance, but the agency has argued that the site is also popular for drug smugglers and human traffickers. The mountain is the only stretch of land in the area not fortified with tall fencing — Cristo Rey was long considered a natural barrier — and the federal government now sees the gap as a security problem.

    Part of the new segment will be built on federal land and the rest “will have no adverse impact” on Mount Cristo Rey, the government has said, because it won’t block the trail leading up to the Christ sculpture. Construction will occur several hundred feet below the statue.

    “Anyone who spent 30 seconds examining a map of Mount Cristo Rey and the southern border would realize how ludicrous these claims are,” John B. Mennell, an agency spokesperson, said in a statement, referring to the church’s arguments.

    Mount Cristo Rey, known also as Sierra de Cristo Rey, near El Paso, Texas, and the suburbs of Mexico’s Ciudad Juárez, saw its first pilgrim in the early 1930s, after a local priest, Father Lourdes Costa, gazed out his window at the distant peak and envisioned a soaring crucifix at its summit.

    Costa made the challenging trek and shared his premonition with the Diocese of El Paso, which purchased the land from the state of New Mexico. In the nearly 90 years since the sculpture was completed, hundreds of thousands of faithful have traveled to the top, some on their knees and others barefoot, over rough ground studded with yucca and creosote.

    It also attracted those looking to cross into the United States illegally. As migrant apprehensions soared, members of the restoration committee, among the mountain’s most frequent visitors, noticed an uptick in vandalism and crime at the site.

    Not all of Mount Cristo Rey’s devotees oppose the wall. Ruben Escandon, whose parents and grandparents preceded him as Cristo Rey caretakers, worried that border-related safety concerns have held the site back from being considered one of the world’s premier Catholic attractions, like the statue of Christ the Redeemer in Rio de Janeiro.

    He is opposed to Trump’s immigration agenda, he said, but the surrounding segments of the border wall are funneling migrants onto his cherished mountain. The barrier needs to be completed, he said.

    “It has nothing to do with immigration policies; it has to do with keeping Mount Cristo Rey safe,” said Escandon, a former police officer who specializes in performing cross-border marriages. “Hopefully it will allow the traditional visitor to come without fear.”

    But environmental and migrant rights groups say the new wall would disrupt a fragile desert ecosystem and make an already dangerous journey over the border more deadly.

    The diocese said it respects the Trump administration’s authority to secure the area. When Border Patrol officials asked in recent years to carve a roadway through Cristo Rey property, the diocese agreed and charged the government nothing. The church has not objected to the agency’s use of sensors and cameras around the mountain.

    But a wall is too far, Winder said.

    Barrier construction elsewhere has threatened or destroyed other cultural sites, including a 1,000-year-old Native American etching that federal contractors mistakenly bulldozed in Arizona this year. And the blasting involved in building near Cristo Rey could damage the statue, he said.

    Lawyers for the Justice Department have been pushing to accelerate the case, filing motions to condemn the property and take possession of it in quick succession. “Time is of the essence,” they argued, because the government has already contracted with construction companies and could be fined if the project is delayed.

    “We’re just getting run over,” Winder said.

    A Justice Department spokesperson, Natalie Baldassarre, said “the taking is authorized by law” and that it “will not impact activity or use of the shrine.”

    Kathryn Brack Morrow, an attorney for the diocese, said the government’s urgency was not justified.

    “This is a self-inflicted emergency,” Morrow said. “The diocese has raised weighty religious liberty concerns that warrant deliberate consideration.”

    Contractors have already begun working at the base of Cristo Rey. On a recent morning, 15-year-old Fernanda Vazquez hiked up the winding trail with her family and looked down at the ribbon of dirt where the wall may soon be built.

    “It just breaks my heart,” she said. “It just doesn’t seem right.”

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • Can Trump sway another Latin American election? Here’s what to know.

    BOGOTÁ, Colombia — Colombians headed to the polls Sunday in the most polarized election in years, with voters choosing between the country’s governing leftist political movement and a President Donald Trump-endorsed right-wing outsider.

    The vote pits Sen. Iván Cepeda, a longtime human rights activist and ally of President Gustavo Petro, the country’s first leftist president, against Abelardo De La Espriella, a former criminal defense lawyer who vows a sweeping crackdown on guerrilla groups and drug-trafficking gangs.

    The high-stakes contest has drawn international attention following De La Espriella’s endorsement by Trump, who called Cepeda a “Radical Left Marxist.”

    The move marks the latest instance of Trump endorsing right-wing candidates in Latin American elections as the region increasingly shifts toward the right, driven in part by concerns over rising insecurity.

    Who are the candidates?

    Cepeda, 63, is a senator and well-known advocate for victims of Colombia’s decades-long armed conflict. He was also part of the negotiations that led to Colombia’s landmark 2016 peace deal with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia that was meant to help end that conflict.

    Running as the candidate of Petro’s party, he has pledged to preserve many of his policies, including anti-poverty programs, land redistribution efforts, and negotiations with armed groups.

    De La Espriella, 47, is a former high-profile criminal defense lawyer and businessperson with no previous political experience and who spent years living in Florida.

    Nicknamed “El Tigre,” or “the tiger,” he has campaigned as an antiestablishment outsider, though he has long been close to Colombia’s right-wing political power elites as a lawyer.

    Why has the vote spurred controversy in the U. S.?

    Some of De La Espriella’s campaign promises echo policies pursued by other Latin American right-wing leaders, such as Nayib Bukele of El Salvador and Javier Milei of Argentina. His platform includes building 10 megaprisons, shrinking the state, and collaborating with the United States to combat drug trafficking.

    He has also been known to legally pursue his opponents — including journalists. After he received Trump’s endorsement and the support of some Republican lawmakers, De La Espriella, a naturalized U.S. citizen, began warning that he would go after anyone who challenged him, with the assistance of the United States.

    Last week, Secretary of State Marco Rubio issued a memo saying that the presence of a progressive activist living in Arizona, Beto Coral, interfered with U.S. foreign policy after the activist criticized De La Espriella. Coral, 40, was detained by U.S. immigration authorities Tuesday, a move decried by Democrats in Congress and by rights groups.

    What are voters focused on?

    Along with complaints about Petro’s rocky four-year-term, voters cite concerns over crime and extortion and the growing power of armed groups in rural areas.

    Violence surged even during the campaign, which saw a presidential hopeful assassinated, two De La Espriella campaign workers killed, and Cepeda’s running mate briefly kidnapped.

    Critics say Petro’s flagship “Total Peace” strategy, which sought negotiated settlements with multiple armed groups, allowed those groups to grow stronger during ceasefires.

    Humanitarian organizations say violence has reached its highest level since the 2016 peace accord, but Colombia remains far safer than it was during the height of the conflict in the 1980s and 1990s.

    While De La Espriella says he will completely abandon peace talks and crush narcotrafficking groups within 90 days, Cepeda has said he will continue his own version of peace negotiations.

    The election is also seen as a referendum on Petro’s presidency. Supporters credit his government with expanding social programs, and increasing the political visibility of historically marginalized groups.

    But critics say his tenure has been marked not only by deteriorating security, but by a troubled state takeover of the health system and runaway spending that has left Colombia with a public debt that is at pandemic levels.

    Why the first round of voting was a surprise

    De La Espriella finished first in the opening round with 43.7% of the vote, compared with 40.9% for Cepeda.

    The result surprised many analysts. Despite complaints, Petro has maintained approval ratings above 50% and has created a broad coalition of movements that support the left. Cepeda enjoyed a comfortable lead in the polls into last month.

    Yet many voters instead turned to De La Espriella, a political newcomer who promised a clean break not only with the left, but with traditional parties and the “same ones as always.”

    Since the first round, most polls have shown De La Espriella holding the lead. However, analysts note that the right-wing candidate’s increasingly strident language has worried more middle-of-the-road Colombians, making it harder to predict whom undecided voters will support.

    After May’s first round, Petro claimed electoral fraud without evidence, raising concerns that he could refuse to accept the results of Sunday’s election or call for protests.

    When are results expected?

    Polls were open from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m. local time. Preliminary results were expected within hours of the polls closing.

    This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

  • When in New Jersey for the World Cup, do as the locals do. (Go to a mall.)

    When in New Jersey for the World Cup, do as the locals do. (Go to a mall.)

    EAST RUTHERFORD, N.J. — Benjamin Klevge, a soccer fan from Pamiers, France, had the front-facing camera open on his phone and a wide smile on his face. He crouched down, struggling to fit the Statue of Liberty into the frame.

    It wasn’t the actual Statue of Liberty, though. It was a 60-foot replica, encrusted with more than 1 million green jelly beans, towering above the entrance to a three-story candy store.

    And Klevge wasn’t in New York. He wasn’t even outdoors. He was roaming the gaping halls of the American Dream, a three-million-square-foot megamall in East Rutherford, N.J. He took more pictures in front of an indoor water park a few steps away as a Backstreet Boys song from the previous century played over the loudspeakers.

    “C’est magnifique,” he said, before switching to English. “It’s beautiful.”

    Fans who attended the opening match of this World Cup this month in Mexico City could wander a warren of neighborhood streets alive with music and the smell of grilled meat on their way to the iconic Estadio Azteca.

    Other citadels of soccer — whether Maracanã Stadium in Rio de Janeiro, which hosted the 1950 and 2014 finals, or Madrid’s Santiago Bernabéu, where the final was played in 1982 — are similarly embedded in dense, urban landscapes, helping to animate the heartbeats of their respective cities.

    Then there’s MetLife Stadium — or “New York New Jersey Stadium,” as World Cup officials have poetically rebranded it for the summer — which will host eight matches in this tournament, including the final.

    For fans accustomed to ballparks with more of the local flavor outside, it has become a punchline. They deride it as a remote island in a sea of asphalt, an inaccessible behemoth surrounded by swampland and a tangle of highway. And for the most part they’re right.

    But there’s another island out there.

    On Tuesday, before a match between France and Senegal, Klevge and thousands of others fans flooded the American Dream mall, which is connected to the stadium by an elevated footpath, and tried to make the best of an odd situation.

    Children from France kick play during a World Cup watch party at American Dream earlier this month.Vincent Alban

    “Exit?” Klevge asked a reporter after taking his selfies and apologizing for his limited English. He tapped two fingers on his lips. “For smoking?”

    Erected in 2021, the American Dream is the second-largest shopping mall in the country. It has hundreds of stores, several dozen eateries and a host of attractions not commonly found indoors: a go-kart track, a water park, a ski slope and five roller coasters.

    This month, the air-conditioned cathedral to commerce represents the only public gathering space — besides the generic official “fan zones” immediately outside the stadium — accessible to the 82,500-capacity stadium by foot.

    “It’s kind of confusing. We’re just in a mall,” said Dawda Daye, 30, a Senegalese fan from Houston, who arrived there by taxi with his wife. “But it’s convenient, and everyone seems to be enjoying it and having fun.”

    Indeed, fans of both teams on Tuesday — just like the crowds supporting Brazil and Morocco over the weekend — seemed open to embracing the weirdness of the setting. The resulting rowdy energy was similar to the atmosphere at any major soccer match around the world — just entirely different.

    Three hours before kickoff, four men in French jerseys juggled a plush soccer ball, purchased moments earlier from an Ikea kiosk, outside a Verizon store.

    A Senegalese drum troupe rapped out a mesmerizing beat for a swaying group of soccer fans marching near the cash register of a Mrs. Field’s cookie stand.

    The sunlit space normally containing the mall’s NHL regulation-size ice rink had been converted into a sort of simulation of a beer garden, filled with picnic tables where scores of fans clapped and sang. Above them towered a screen roughly the size of the penalty area on a soccer field that displayed a video feed of the very same picnic zone they were in — meaning the fans were cheering real-time images of themselves cheering.

    “In the U.S., everything is bigger,” said Benoit Berthier, 39, a Frenchman working in Montreal, who was eating a pastry at a cafe a few steps away. “But what they did inside is good. If you have one thing you know how to do in America, it’s entertain.”

    In a food court connected to H Mart, the Korean American grocery chain, two men wearing the jersey of Rayan Cherki, a young French star, blew into vuvuzelas as they squeezed between groups munching on traditional Korean snacks.

    On the third floor — there are five levels to the American Dream — a trio of Frenchman puzzled over a digital map of the shopping center, tapping on the screen to find a place to eat.

    “This kind of mall is unusual for French people,” said Gérald Grégoire, 52, one of the fans. “What’s most surprising is the size of the parking lot.”

    Three friends kick a small soccer ball in the American Dream parking garage.Vincent Alban

    During American football season, when the New York Jets and the New York Giants share MetLife Stadium, the parking lots there can hold close to 30,000 cars, a perfect setting for that quintessentially American sports tableau: tailgating.

    A handful of World Cup stadiums — like Lincoln Financial Field, where opposing fans played drinking games together before a match — are allowing tailgating this summer. MetLife is not one of them.

    “We heard there was no tailgating, so we said, ‘OK, we’re not going to the stadium, we’re going to the mall,’ ” said Carlos Orbe, 35, who was visiting from Tampa, Fla., with his fiancée, Julia Szenberg.

    Undeterred, the two grabbed a case of hard seltzers, took a cab to the American Dream and found some space between a row of parked cards in the mall’s indoor parking complex.

    They stood in a circle with a dozen or so other fans, sipping their drinks and periodically kicking a soccer ball that bounced their way. Asked about the people in the juggling circle, Szenberg, 36, who was born in Paris, shrugged.

    “We don’t know them,” she said. “But now they’re our family. This is the real American dream, happening in the mall parking garage.”

    This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

  • Trump, claiming vandalism, says reflecting pool will be drained

    WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump said on Saturday that “multiple individuals” had been arrested for vandalizing the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, and that problems with a more than $14 million renovation project had become so severe that the pool would have to be at least partly drained for “necessary repairs.”

    The president’s announcement late Saturday, made on social media, was his starkest acknowledgment of the pool’s rapid deterioration in recent days. The water this week became covered by clouds of blooming algae, which were obscuring a floor that had just been painted a shade that Trump has called “American flag blue.” The paint then began to peel off, making it a tourist destination for unusual reasons.

    Among those accused of vandalism was David Carter Hearn, 67, a cyclist and three-time Olympian as a canoeist who says he stopped at the site Friday just to have a look, then reached down to touch a strip of peeling blue paint mixed with the algae.

    The U.S. Park Police arrested Hearn shortly after, accusing him of destroying government property, a crime that can carry up to a 10-year prison sentence. Hearn denies the charge.

    “I was just a curious, concerned citizen,” he said in an interview. “I guess I was there at the wrong place, wrong time.”

    The administration has not released the names of others accused of vandalizing the pool, a crime that Trump said Saturday could lead to “years in jail.” In a later post, he said without evidence that vandals had “poured corrosive and destructive chemicals into the Pool.”

    The project, one of many Trump is undertaking around the capital as the United States nears its 250th birthday, has faced intense scrutiny, including from engineers and other experts who warned that the hastily undertaken project was unlikely to undo the problems that have plagued the pool for decades. A construction company tied to Trump was awarded a no-bid contract and painted the bottom of the pool.

    Trump said Saturday that he had met with contractors earlier in the day to discuss the state of the pool.

    The Interior Department said this week that agency workers had “killed the algae” that had expanded with heat and humidity. But on Friday afternoon, the water was stained by clumps of algae where National Park Service staff members had scrubbed away bright green blooms along the bottom of the basin. The pool’s new coating was also missing large sections, including a gap roughly the size of a park bench. Underneath appeared to be the original concrete basin.

    Hearn, of Bethesda, Maryland, said that he was on a 50-mile bike ride before stopping at the pool, and that Park Police officers detained him for more than four hours Friday at a facility south of the National Mall without allowing a phone call. They also did not say more about why he had been arrested, he added. The White House and Park Police did not respond to requests for comment.

    Late Friday, Trump claimed on social media that the “inside surface that was just installed” had been damaged by vandals.

    Hearn said that he had “reached into the water to feel the characteristics” of a dislodged paint piece “still attached to the bottom.” He compared his actions to those of Jonathan Karl, an ABC News reporter who lifted a detached piece of paint at the pool Thursday in a video the news organization published.

    “I didn’t remove anything,” Hearn said. “I was bending and feeling this 2-millimeter-thick, rubbery flap.”

    Until his retirement 18 months ago, Hearn ran a company selling special materials for building canoes. That, he said, made him particularly interested in the materials contractors had used before the paint at the base of the pool began peeling.

    Hearn said that he had already received offers of pro bono representation following his arrest.

    “I’m getting a lot of support from my community,” he added.

    This article originally appeared in The New York Times.