Category: New York Times

  • Louise Lasser, star of TV’s ‘Mary Hartman,’ is dead at 87

    Louise Lasser, star of TV’s ‘Mary Hartman,’ is dead at 87

    Louise Lasser, the deadpan comedic actor who began her screen career in Woody Allen movies and became a star as the wrenchingly sympathetic title character of Mary Hartman, Mary Hartman, Norman Lear’s off-center 1970s comedy, died Monday at her home in New York City. She was 87.

    Her death was confirmed by Susan Charlotte, a friend.

    Mary Hartman, Mary Hartman was a phenomenon, a syndicated parody of midcentury soap operas that ran Mondays through Fridays after the late news in most major markets. It followed a befuddled Ohio housewife as she tried to hold herself together amid mass murders, sex scandals, and everyday consumer anxieties. She wore pigtails, puffed sleeves, and gingham (while real American women were in Dorothy Hamill bobs and designer denim); fretted about waxy yellow buildup on her kitchen floor; and was emotionally abused by her conveniently impotent blue-collar husband (Greg Mullavey).

    “She’s a survivor,” Ms. Lasser said of her put-upon character in a 1976 interview with the New York Times. “But that makes me sad. Because she’s a survivor in a world I wonder if it’s worth surviving in.” (The character did eventually have a nervous breakdown.)

    Articles about the series proliferated, and Ms. Lasser — somehow simultaneously neurotic and girlish — appeared on the covers of major magazines, including People, Newsweek, Ms., and Rolling Stone. The show ran only a year and a half, from January 1976 to July 1977, but that was 325 episodes.

    Louise Lasser was born in New York City on April 11, 1939, the only child of Sol Jay Lasser, a tax accountant and author, and Paula (Eisenreich) Lasser, a designer. (Louise had no middle name but later chose one: Jane.)

    She spent her childhood in the city’s Bronx borough, where she attended Fieldston, a prestigious private school. At Brandeis University, she majored in political science but also appeared in shows that friends wrote. She dropped out during her senior year and began acting lessons with Sanford Meisner.

    Living with her parents in Manhattan, she worked in theater and cabaret, and appeared in television commercials, notably for NyQuil and Excedrin. She was the first actress to win a Clio Award, the advertising industry’s highest honor. In 1962, she understudied a rising star, 20-year-old Barbra Streisand, in the Broadway musical I Can Get It for You Wholesale, and briefly took over the role when Streisand left.

    She met Allen on a double date — he was with the other woman — and made her screen debut in The Laughmakers, a 1962 pilot he wrote. Set at a comedy club, it never became a series but was broadcast as a special. The two began dating and married in 1966.

    After an uncredited part as a masseuse in the Peter Sellers comedy What’s New Pussycat? (1965), written by Allen, and a voice-over in What’s Up, Tiger Lily? (1966), Allen’s directorial debut, Ms. Lasser had full-fledged roles — with character names and screen time — in Allen’s next three auteur efforts, which he wrote, directed, and starred in.

    In Take the Money and Run (1969), she was a bank robber’s neighbor, impressed by his fame. In Bananas (1971), she was the hero’s activist girlfriend who drops him because he shows no political leadership skills. The next year, in Everything You Always Wanted to Know About Sex (But Were Afraid to Ask), she played a woman who could achieve orgasm only in public. In the middle of all that filmmaking, in 1970, the Allens divorced.

    Ms. Lasser spent a few years doing guest roles on sitcoms (The Mary Tyler Moore Show, The Bob Newhart Show) and drama series (Medical Center, McCloud) and television movies like Coffee, Tea or Me? (1973), a comedy about a flight attendant. Then Lear called.

    Critics, including John J. O’Connor of the Times, were initially skeptical of Mary Hartman. But O’Connor admitted, in a January 1976 preview article, that Ms. Lasser had “an uncanny ability to touch as well as tickle.”

    In May that year, Ms. Lasser was charged with cocaine possession in a highly publicized case that began at an antiques store where she was shopping. In her tote bag, police officers found 80 milligrams of the drug, which she always contended was a fan’s gift she had forgotten about. She received six months’ probation on the condition that she continue seeing her psychiatrist.

    That July, when she hosted Saturday Night Live, drugs and breakdowns were the comic topics. Viewers had trouble telling whether some skits were scripted or were showing a desperate performer crumbling in front of a nationwide audience. The episode was long kept out of reruns.

    Ms. Lasser stayed busy, writing and starring with Charles Grodin in Just Me and You (1978), a television movie about two strangers driving cross-country, and doing one season (1981-82) of It’s a Living, a sitcom about servers.

    She appeared in Allen’s Stardust Memories (1980), in a cameo as his secretary; Todd Solondz’s film Happiness (1998), for which the ensemble cast won a National Board of Review award; and Darren Aronofsky’s Requiem for a Dream (2000). And she taught acting in New York.

    She appeared in three episodes of HBO’s Girls (2014-15), playing an elderly artist who has been rediscovered. But she always said her favorite project was a part in The Lie, a 1971 BBC movie written by Ingmar Bergman. Its American broadcast won three Emmys.

    She is survived by her longtime partner, Michael Citriniti.

    The Mary Hartman questions never ended. Asked in 2013 if there had been a withdrawal period after the show’s end, Ms. Lasser told Interview magazine, “I’m still withdrawing.”

    That same year, she assured the website The Toast that Mary never felt like an outsider. Then how did you explain this small-town Midwesterner’s decided New York accent?

    “You don’t,” Lasser said, adding: “It’s a typical existential dilemma to try to make sense of something that has no sense. I think that’s what makes it work.”

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • Royal rapprochement: Harry and Meghan pay a rare visit to the king and queen

    Royal rapprochement: Harry and Meghan pay a rare visit to the king and queen

    In a step toward mending one of the world’s most-followed family feuds, Prince Harry, his wife, Meghan, and their two children met for the first time in years with Harry’s father, King Charles III, and Queen Camilla, Buckingham Palace said on Friday.

    The meeting answered questions that had been swirling all week about a potential reunion between the British king and his estranged second son. In 2020, Harry and his American-born wife, Meghan, renounced their royal titles and moved to the United States.

    Friday’s visit was a sign of a detente between Harry and his father. Harry had not returned to Britain with his family since Queen Elizabeth II’s Platinum Jubilee in June 2022. Harry had visited his father in Britain by himself last fall.

    The visit this week, officially to promote Harry’s charity competition for military veterans, had been shrouded in confusion, as efforts to mend family relations appeared to exacerbate them instead. Rifts emerged over where the family would stay and who would pay for their security.

    The prince has been embroiled in a yearslong battle with British authorities since they ruled that he and Meghan, after stepping down from royal duties, no longer qualified for publicly financed protection in Britain.

    Harry, 41, who arrived in Britain on Monday evening, lives in California with Meghan, 44, and their children, Archie and Lilibet. It was the first time in several years that Charles, 77, and his grandchildren, aged 7 and 5, met in person.

    Buckingham Palace said there would be no images released of the family visit at Highgrove House, a country estate that is one of the king and queen’s residences.

    Harry and his brother, William, had spent considerable time at Highgrove House, in the Cotswolds region west of London, when they were children. If offers a measure of privacy, far from the eyes of the London-based press corps. Earlier in the week, Harry’s team said that Meghan and the couple’s children, who were originally planning to accompany Harry for the whole visit, would not be going to London, citing security concerns.

    Highgrove House is also located nearer to Birmingham, where Harry had taken part earlier on Friday in an event to begin a countdown to the Invictus Games, a competition he founded for wounded veterans, which is due to be held in Birmingham in 2027. He played pickleball, took part in wheelchair rugby, and gave an interview to a British news outlet, speaking glowingly of his wife and children.

    The meeting with his father was a decidedly more private affair. The palace confirmed the meeting only after it had taken place.

    The reunion came shortly after a judge in Britain ruled against Harry and other celebrities earlier this week in a lawsuit that accused the publisher of the Daily Mail of targeting them with unlawful information gathering.

    The prince’s legal battles against the tabloid press marked a departure from the royal family’s tradition of ignoring unfavorable press coverage. Harry and Meghan have been open about their differences with the rest of the family, including in an Oprah interview, a tell-all memoir, and a documentary, even as they repeatedly voiced a need for privacy.

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • As consumers pare spending, grocery stores race to cut prices

    As consumers pare spending, grocery stores race to cut prices

    America’s grocery stores are cutting prices to attract consumers who have pared back spending to cope with rising costs.

    Walmart, the nation’s largest retailer, said Monday that it would lower the price of ground beef rolls, fresh corn, cherries, potato chips, and Coca-Cola as part of a slew of summertime discounts.

    It’s the latest grocery chain to do so, increasing competition in a relatively low-margin industry reliant on people buying shopping carts packed with items, including some at more profitable prices.

    The grocery industry has struggled over the past 18 months as higher food bills, reductions in food stamp programs, and the rise in the use of weight-loss medications have resulted in shoppers buying less. On top of that, elevated gas prices because of the war with Iran are hitting shoppers’ wallets.

    A May CNN poll found that 61% of Americans had changed which groceries they bought in order to stay within their budget.

    High grocery prices have been a political issue for several years, so much so that President Donald Trump sought to take credit for Walmart’s announcement, posting on social media that the retailer “will be lowering prices, by a lot, at my administration’s request to celebrate our great country’s 250th birthday.”

    Walmart did not mention Trump or his administration in its news release.

    But while shoppers may get better deals on some items, it’s unlikely that their overall grocery bill will fall. Prices across all food categories are expected to rise 3.2% in 2026, according to the Department of Agriculture’s Economic Research Service.

    While egg prices have dropped from last year’s record levels, the USDA predicts that prices for beef, pork, poultry, sweets, nonalcoholic beverages, fresh vegetables, and fresh fruit will increase this year. That comes on top of the 18% price increase in food consumed at home since the beginning of 2022, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Beef prices continue to hit record levels this year; Walmart said it would reduce the price of its 1-pound log of ground beef to $5.94 from $6.74.

    In the four weeks ending in late June, prices in 61 food categories rose 3.4% from the same period a year ago, while the volume of goods sold slid by 2.1%, according to analysts at Stifel, a financial services firm.

    To lure consumers in their doors and, hopefully, persuade them to buy more, several grocery store chains have reduced prices on a few dozen items, or the top 10 food products consumers typically buy. They have also increased the number of less expensive store brand products on their shelves.

    “It’s not going to be across the board. It’s not going to be across 40,000 items,” said Phil Lempert, a food industry analyst and the editor of Supermarketguru.com.

    Consumers are also changing where they shop and are making fewer trips to traditional grocery stores in favor of discount grocery chains like Aldi, a company that originated in Europe and is quickly expanding in the United States, according to a grocery shopper study by consulting firm AlixPartners.

    Retailers, still trying to maintain profits to keep investors happy, are looking for ways to fund the price reductions. On a call with analysts in May, Walmart executives said that at least some of the price cuts could be funded by the $2.4 billion it has filed for in reimbursements after the Supreme Court ruled in February that Trump exceeded his authority in establishing sweeping tariffs on imported goods.

    In many cases, the reduced grocery prices likely reflect better deals grocery retailers have gotten from manufacturers, Lempert said. Food and beverage manufacturers, eager for consumers to put more of their foods in shopping carts, oftentimes offer discounts or other promotions to retailers, he explained.

    “The average grocery retailer is only making 1.5% to 2% net profits on groceries,” he said. “There’s not a lot they can do to take price cuts on their own.”

    Earlier in the year, executives at PepsiCo said the company was lowering some prices to drum up demand, or volume, for its snacks and foods. On Thursday, PepsiCo reported that prices in its North American food business, which includes Frito-Lay chips as well as Quaker Foods breakfast and snack bars, were down 2% in the second quarter compared with the previous year.

    Executives said the lower pricing at many stores had helped boost demand in the quarter. They noted, however, that higher gas prices translated into weaker sales at convenience stores.

    Executives at Kroger said on an earnings call in June that the retailer would push harder in negotiations with suppliers but would also fund discounts by cutting its own expenses.

    In May, Stop & Shop, a unit of Dutch supermarket operator Ahold Delhaize, said it was lowering prices on more than a dozen food items in its New Jersey and New York stores. The price of a rotisserie chicken fell $1 to $6.99 and a can of Bumble Bee tuna was cut to $1.99 from $2.29.

    The grocery retailer chose the products based on customers’ everyday purchases across a variety of departments, Daniel Wolk, a spokesperson for Stop & Shop, said in an email.

    Since making the price cuts, Wolk said the chain was seeing “encouraging signs that customers are filling their baskets with more volume.” He added that the original cuts were part of a phased approach and that, since then, prices on “thousands of items” in stores throughout Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey had been reduced.

    Costco said in May that it cut prices on everyday goods including eggs and beef, which had slightly impacted the retailer’s margins. The warehouse club slashed prices on items like chicken wings and chocolate almonds.

    “Our goal is to be the first to lower prices where we see opportunities to do so,” Gary Millerchip, the chief financial officer of Costco, told investors on a conference call.

    Target said in March that it would reduce prices for “pantry staples,” after lowering prices on thousands of food items late last year.

    Retailers are also increasingly leaning into placing more of their own brands onto shelves, hoping to drive customer spending on less-expensive store versions of spaghetti sauce, frozen waffles, and baked goods.

    Whole Foods Market, which was famously nicknamed Whole Paycheck for its higher prices, has been trying to alter that perception by expanding its store brand offerings and cutting prices.

    “We’ve reduced prices on more than 900 products across private brands, including the 365 by Whole Foods Market private label selection,” a spokesperson for Whole Foods said in an email.

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • New York Times and other publishers ask court to penalize OpenAI

    New York Times and other publishers ask court to penalize OpenAI

    SAN FRANCISCO — The New York Times, the New York Daily News, and 15 other media organizations said in a federal court filing Thursday that OpenAI was withholding evidence that could play a key role in high-profile lawsuits the companies filed against the artificial-intelligence start-up.

    With their filing, the publishers called for legal sanctions against OpenAI, accusing the company of violating court rules and acting in bad faith during the litigation’s fact-discovery phase.

    The Times sued OpenAI in late 2023, accusing the company of infringing on its copyrights by using its materials to train ChatGPT and other technologies. In the months that followed, other publishers sued the AI start-up, making similar accusations. Many of those cases were consolidated last year.

    In the motion Thursday, known as a sanctions filing, the publishers said OpenAI refused to provide information showing how the company’s AI systems are trained and used.

    “The evidence is in OpenAI’s training data sets and ChatGPT output logs,” the parties said in their motion. “But instead of just producing that evidence at the start of the case and focusing on the merits of its fair use defense, OpenAI chose obstruction.”

    OpenAI did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    OpenAI has previously denied wrongdoing, saying it respects the rights of content creators. The company has also argued in a court filing that ChatGPT is not a substitute for a Times subscription.

    A sanctions filing is an unusual step that forces a judge to settle a legal disagreement, said Robin Feldman, a professor at UC Law San Francisco.

    It “makes the judge get down in the mud with other parties,” she added.

    The Times was the first major American media company to sue OpenAI over copyright issues related to its written works. The Times’ suit made similar accusations against Microsoft, one of OpenAI’s primary partners.

    Microsoft has denied the allegations.

    A judicial panel last year consolidated many of the dozens of cases brought by publishers against OpenAI, including the lawsuits from the Times and from authors, including comedian Sarah Silverman, John Grisham, Jonathan Franzen, and George R.R. Martin.

    Like other AI companies, OpenAI has built its technologies by feeding them enormous amounts of data, some of which is copyrighted. OpenAI, Microsoft, and other companies have long contended that they can legally use copyrighted material to train their AI systems without paying for it because they transformed the material for a different use.

    The Times, the Daily News, and other publishers filed their motion after deposing an OpenAI employee. The deposition, which was largely redacted in public court documents, shows that OpenAI could have provided the data the plaintiffs have long sought, the publishers said.

    “For two years, OpenAI has been making misrepresentations to the court regarding its ability to search for Daily News content in its training data sets and output logs,” said Steven Lieberman, counsel for the Daily News and several other newspapers that have sued OpenAI.

    “OpenAI lied to the Times, the Daily News plaintiffs, the public and the court,” said Ian B. Crosby, a partner at Susman Godfrey and the lead counsel for the Times.

    The publishers are asking for monetary penalties and other sanctions, according to the filing. The filing does not ask for sanctions against Microsoft.

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • China, Russia and Others Seek to Inflame Debate Over AI Data Centers

    China, Russia and Others Seek to Inflame Debate Over AI Data Centers

    A state-owned newspaper in China recently published a satellite image of a data center in Gainesville, Virginia, writing in English that the development of artificial intelligence posed a threat to Americans’ physical and financial well-being.

    A comic strip made to look as if it had been published by a Maryland news outlet — created with OpenAI’s ChatGPT by people in China, the tech company said — circulated on social platform X this year, blaming data centers for soaring electricity bills. It showed a tycoon smoking a cigar and clutching bags of cash.

    A video shared on X by a known covert Russian influence operation questioned the viability of a data center that an American company, Firebird, is constructing in Armenia, the small Caucasus nation that has been a focus of Kremlin pressure. “The country’s electrical grid instability may render it useless,” the video’s narrator says.

    All are examples of a push by foreign adversaries to seize on what polls have shown is deep ambivalence — verging at times on hostility — about the spread of the data centers needed to power AI in the United States and elsewhere.

    China, Russia and, to a lesser extent, Iran have sought to use state media outlets to turn the controversy over data centers in the United States into “a domestic fracture point,” according to a new analysis by Alethea, a threat intelligence company, which identified scores of articles and posts on social media this year.

    These campaigns, whose impact on public opinion remains to be seen, have raised alarms in Washington, where AI is seen as a top issue heading into this year’s midterm elections.

    The foreign efforts appear intended to stoke the debate over data centers that has united political figures across the political spectrum — from Sen. Bernie Sanders (I., Vt.), a progressive, to Steve Bannon, the erstwhile adviser to President Donald Trump.

    “Foreign actors aren’t manufacturing American debates over the future of AI, they are exploiting them,” said Jessica Brandt, a former official with the Office of the Director of National Intelligence who tracked foreign influence efforts during the Biden administration.

    The goal, she added, is to “deepen our divisions in order to dent our appeal and weaken us from within.”

    Republicans and business lobbying groups have seized on the role of China, in particular, claiming that the country’s Communist Party wants to undercut U.S. leadership in a field that the Chinese, too, hope to dominate. They argue that China’s propaganda is an effort to slow down America’s development.

    “We can’t allow any effort by foreign adversaries to extort these fears and undermine our technological development,” Sen. Tom Cotton (R., Ark.) wrote to the acting attorney general, Todd Blanche, referring to genuine public concerns.

    The Trump administration, which after taking office dismantled many of the government teams that tracked foreign influence operations, has begun to recognize the political threat of the rising sentiment against AI.

    A Gallup poll in May found that 71% of Americans were somewhat or strongly opposed to having a data center built near them, almost 20 percentage points higher than those who opposed construction of a nearby nuclear power plant. Many have broad concerns about the effects of AI on jobs and the climate, while people who live near data centers complain that they are eyesores and emit annoying sounds. Some cities and counties have enacted temporary or permanent moratoriums on new construction.

    In a recent interview on Fox Business, Interior Secretary Doug Burgum suggested that the outside influence campaigns had succeeded in building opposition to data centers. “I think some of this propaganda is being effective,” he said.

    The foreign campaigns follow a familiar playbook that dates back at least a decade. They often try to leverage official news organizations and social media to fuel domestic discord around hot-button issues like guns, race and vaccines, or even natural disasters like the wildfires in and around Los Angeles last year.

    Between January and June, state media in China, Russia and Iran mentioned data centers roughly 700 times, according to Alethea’s analysis. That was an average of nearly four times a day, though it remained a fraction of overall published content about AI development.

    The outlets have featured articles and posts aimed at an American audience, as well as content highlighting criticism of data centers by prominent Americans, including Tucker Carlson, a conservative commentator. In Iran, state media has also highlighted links between American AI companies and Israel and criticized the race to develop the technology as reckless.

    Covert Russian information operations, previously identified by government officials and researchers, have recently begun to focus on data centers as a wedge issue on social media, but so far their Chinese counterparts have not done so in the same way, according to Alethea.

    OpenAI did disclose last month that a small number of operatives working in China used the company’s ChatGPT platform to generate covert social media campaigns on X, including the comic strip.

    Other posts by the operatives promoted claims that data centers were spiking electricity costs and criticized Trump’s tariffs as a blunt tool used to win the technology race.

    OpenAI, though, found “little to no authentic engagement” with the campaigns, and the accounts at issue were ultimately removed from X. OpenAI did not respond to requests for comment about Chinese or other foreign efforts.

    (The New York Times has sued OpenAI and its partner, Microsoft, accusing them of copyright infringement of news content related to AI systems. They have denied those claims.)

    Lobbyists have also weighed in to insinuate that U.S. opposition has been fomented with support from abroad.

    Power the Future, an energy industry group, argued recently that domestic opposition to data centers was manufactured by environmental groups financed in part by foreign donors such as Hansjörg Wyss, a Swiss philanthropist and conservationist whose foundation is well known for supporting environmental issues.

    In a statement, the Wyss Foundation said it did not provide grants to oppose data centers. “These reports are false, misleading and an attempt by special interests to manipulate the public into accepting data centers,” the statement said.

    A pair of reports by the Bitcoin Policy Institute, a cryptocurrency advocacy group in Washington, detailed what the group’s researchers called an “extensive, multiyear influence campaign” by China to sway the AI race.

    As evidence, the reports cited an invitation by Sanders for two Chinese-government-linked academics to attend a conference on Capitol Hill in April. They also criticized political donations to liberal organizations from Neville Roy Singham, an American tech entrepreneur who is based in Shanghai and has long been a subject of criticism for supporting Chinese propaganda campaigns.

    “There is an organic opposition to data centers,” said the author of the reports, Sam Lyman. “What we are calling for is simply transparency, though, because we’ve been able to document an inorganic element that runs parallel to this specific opposition movement.”

    Sanders and Singham did not respond to a request for comment.

    The Chinese government, through its embassy in Washington, disputed accusations that it was trying to stoke protests in the United States — something it has accused the United States of doing inside China.

    “The allegations are completely unfounded and constitute smears and defamation,” a spokesperson, Liu Chang, said in response to questions, noting that the United States and China needed “to work together to promote the development and improve the governance of AI to make sure it will better contribute to social progress.”

    Not all of the anti-AI content online has an overtly political purpose. Other actors appear to be exploiting the issue simply to build engagement.

    Alethea tracked a network of inauthentic accounts on Facebook that has been posting images appearing to highlight Americans’ opposition to data centers. They include images generated by artificial intelligence showing, for example, a field of crops carved into a massive obscene hand gesture, each tailored to users in different American states. “This is what Oklahoma thinks of data centers,” one says.

    The network has digital traces linking it geographically to Bangladesh, Alethea found. It includes dozens of groups or accounts on Facebook and Instagram that feature names like “Life in Texas” or “I Love Minnesota.” Amid a steady stream of AI “slop” are posts opposing data centers.

    McKenzie Sadeghi, a principal analyst at Alethea, called the posts “rural rage bait.”

    “Data centers are likely the ideal topic for engagement-maximizing operators,” she said. “It is locally salient in all 50 states, fresh, and it maps onto preexisting anti-China, anti-tax, ‘selling America’ grievance.”

  • Palm Beach Airport now bears Trump’s name

    Palm Beach Airport now bears Trump’s name

    Palm Beach International Airport in Florida is now President Donald J. Trump International Airport.

    The name change became official Thursday morning, the Federal Aviation Administration announced. Eric Trump, Trump’s son and the executive vice president of the Trump Organization, shared a video on social media in which an air traffic controller is heard announcing the name change to the pilots of the president’s private Boeing 757 as it approached the airport for a landing just after 5 a.m.

    “As a son, and someone who flies out of this airport nearly every day, I will forever be proud to see the initials ‘DJT’ on my boarding pass,” Eric Trump wrote in a separate post.

    The airport’s three-letter code will not change to DJT from PBI until Aug. 18, according to airport officials.

    Travelers will see the airport’s previous branding and new signage during a transition period that will last several weeks, airport officials said. The rollout of the new name would not disrupt airport operations, they said.

    “We’re working behind the scenes to update our physical signage, terminal spaces, and digital channels to our new name: President Donald J. Trump International Airport,” the airport said on social media.

    The airport sits a few miles from Mar-a-Lago, Trump’s private club and residence in Palm Beach, which has served as a hub for his political operations.

    Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, a Republican, signed a bill in March clearing the path for the airport to be renamed. Democratic state lawmakers opposed the measure, which the Legislature approved in February, arguing that it would cost about $5 million to update signs, maps and other airport materials to reflect the name change.

    The New York Times reported in February that Trump’s family business had filed trademark applications for potential airport names with the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office. The applications staked a claim to three names: President Donald J. Trump International Airport, Donald J. Trump International Airport and the airport code DJT.

    The applications also sought the right to use the name in connection with a variety of airport-themed merchandise, including luggage, animal carriers and “shoes for protection of airline passengers’ feet during airport security screening.”

    Renaming the airport for Trump attaches his name to a gateway that is used by millions of visitors each year.

    Trump has a long history of putting his name on the things he has built, owns or promotes, a list that includes Trump Tower and his golf resorts and hotels. As president, he has reached beyond his private businesses. For nearly six months starting in December, Trump’s name was added to facade of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in Washington until a judge ordered its removal in May. His signature is expected to appear on U.S. dollars later this year.

  • Platner’s exit sets off scramble for new senate candidate in Maine

    Platner’s exit sets off scramble for new senate candidate in Maine

    BAR HARBOR, Maine — Graham Platner’s announcement late Wednesday that he was suspending his Senate run in Maine plunged Democrats into a foggy, fast-paced search for a replacement — with a growing group of contenders already jostling to become the party’s new nominee.

    On Thursday morning, Dr. Nirav Shah, a public health researcher who led Maine’s response to the coronavirus pandemic and finished second in the primary for governor, became the latest Democrat to officially enter the contest, joining a fast-growing field.

    In early June, Platner won the Senate nomination after more than 150,000 Democratic primary voters cast ballots for him. Now, with Platner having dropped out of the race after a rape allegation he denies, the state’s Democratic Party has been left to find a new candidate with a process it is creating on the fly.

    To formally remove himself from the ballot, Platner must submit a signed request to the Maine Secretary of State’s Office by a July 13 deadline. As of Thursday morning, he had not submitted one, said Jana Spaulding, the deputy secretary of state for communications.

    The party has said it will pick a new candidate through a nominating convention before a July 27 deadline set by state law. The timing and specifics of the convention had not been set as of early Thursday. But there was talk of allowing hundreds of Maine Democrats to vote on the nominee.

    The Democrat who emerges from the process will carry the party’s hopes of unseating Sen. Susan Collins, a Republican incumbent, in a race that Democrats see as key to their chances of taking back the Senate in November.

    After Platner, a progressive, populist oysterman, departed the race Wednesday, a small group of ambitious Democrats quickly moved to join the contest to replace him.

    Troy Jackson, a former president of the Maine Senate favored by some progressives, said he was running. He came up short in the Democratic primary for governor in Maine last month.

    “There is a powerful movement of working-class people in the state of Maine, and millions more across America who are ready to send a progressive fighter to the Senate,” Jackson, a fifth-generation logger from Allagash in northern Maine, said in a statement. He added, “I’m in.”

    Hours before he entered, he secured the endorsement of Rep. Ro Khanna, a California progressive who was once one of Platner’s most vocal supporters.

    Jordan Wood, another progressive, also said he was entering the race. A former congressional staff member, Wood narrowly lost in the House primary in northern Maine’s swing congressional district last month.

    “I’m running for U.S. Senate because to beat Susan Collins, Democrats need a candidate who can provide a true contrast and run an unapologetically progressive campaign,” he said in a text message late Wednesday. He had briefly entered the Democratic Senate primary in Maine last year before pivoting to the congressional race.

    Earlier Wednesday, Dan Kleban, a founder of a brewery, said he was joining the contest, writing on Substack that Maine voters “deserve a Senator who will fight for us, not one who enables Trump at every turn.” He also had a short-lived bid for the Senate last year.

    Shah, in his Thursday announcement, wrote on social media that “establishment politicians have failed us” and that “to defeat Susan Collins, we need an outsider.”

    It was not immediately clear how the candidates might distinguish themselves from one another. And they might soon have more company.

    Also weighing a candidacy was Shenna Bellows, the Maine secretary of state and a former state lawmaker. Like Shah and Jackson, Bellows ran for governor of Maine this year and fell short. Others may also join the contest.

    The Maine Democratic Party voted Wednesday to approve the convention in a meeting with more than 100 state party members. Leaders in the state party were expected to meet again Thursday to move toward finalizing the process.

    “We are going to have a nominating convention,” Charles F. Dingman, chair of the Maine Democratic Party, said Wednesday night. “And it is going to be representative.”

    Another question was how involved Platner might be. On Tuesday, he received pushback from the state party, which accused him of trying to intervene in the effort to replace him before he had even exited the campaign.

    “We have repeatedly reiterated to Graham Platner’s team that they have no role in determining our U.S. Senate nominee,” Devon Murphy-Anderson, the party’s executive director, said in a video on social media.

    In a statement made by hand-held video that he issued Wednesday, announcing that he was suspending his candidacy, Platner said he was “not trying to dictate to anyone” who his replacement should be. But he argued that the process should reflect “the will and the values of the people that built” his political movement.

    Many of his supporters said they felt defeated by the turn in the race. “I am hugely disappointed,” said Kat Higgins, 64, a retired nurse. “I really, really liked what he said. I think everything has to change.”

    Platner spent the final hours before his exit holed up with campaign advisers in his faded blue Greek Revival farmhouse in the wooded, seaside hills of Sullivan, Maine. His campaign released his video statement as the sun was setting over the Atlantic coast.

    A half dozen journalists were gathered on the street outside the home, but Platner did not emerge to address them. A single light illuminated a mudroom on the first floor.

  • Status of damaged Manhattan building unclear after crews work overnight

    Status of damaged Manhattan building unclear after crews work overnight

    NEW YORK — The status of a midtown Manhattan office building that suffered structural damage remained unclear early Wednesday, hours after New York City’s buildings commissioner said it was stable for now but warned of tense days ahead.

    “I can say right now the building is stable,” the commissioner, Ahmed Tigani, said late Tuesday. “We feel confident in the emergency plan we have now.”

    Construction crews hammered and welded through the night at the former Pfizer building in midtown, shoring up sections of the failed structure. Officers with the New York Police Department’s Technical Assistance Response Unit flew a drone beside the building, close to the 21st floor, throughout the night. The video captured two workers in hard hats inside the building, inspecting the floor where support beams had buckled.

    Police officers blocked all traffic on East 42nd and 43rd streets between Second and Third avenues, and authorities said early Wednesday that traffic in that area remained restricted. Those who worked or lived in the area would have access, however, unless the buildings were under evacuation orders. Five buildings remained fully or partially evacuated.

    Fire officials received reports Tuesday morning about “a structural issue” at 235 E. 42nd St., the former Pfizer headquarters that is being converted into a housing complex with more than 1,600 apartments. Architects had called the project, scheduled to be completed in 2027, the largest of its kind in the city’s history.

    Two support columns inside the building began buckling, and several upper floors were sagging, the Fire Department said Tuesday. Authorities initially created a “frozen zone” from 40th to 45th streets between First and Third avenues as they worked to stabilize the building. Although the so-called frozen zone has shrunk considerably, Tigani said “the public should not engage with that area.”

    The situation disrupted midtown Manhattan, as construction workers and people in nearby buildings, including tourists and school students, were evacuated. There were no injuries, the Fire Department said.

    Here’s what else to know:

    — Developer’s response: Nathan Berman, the founder of MetroLoft, the developer behind the project, said in an interview that there was never any danger that the building would collapse, calling the episode “a typical construction mishap.” A spokesperson for the city’s Buildings Department said the structure was still being stabilized and an investigation was continuing.

    — Upper floors: Tigani said late Tuesday that officials were monitoring the building for any signs that it was unstable. Emergency shoring was being undertaken on the 20th and 21st floors of the building, Brad Hoylman-Sigal, the Manhattan borough president, said in a social media post late Tuesday.

    — Midtown construction: The project is part of a campaign to turn midtown Manhattan’s empty office buildings into residential spaces to help address a housing shortage and revitalize the area.

  • Historians reject White House’s criticism of Smithsonian museum

    Historians reject White House’s criticism of Smithsonian museum

    On July 4, the White House posted a lengthy report condemning the Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum of American History, accusing it of promoting “extreme ideological activism” while denigrating the nation’s founders and its founding.

    Historians have started to reply with failing grades of their own.

    The Organization of American Historians, the nation’s largest group of scholars of U.S. history, blasted the report in a statement Monday, accusing the administration of presenting a partisan ideological attack in the guise of historical critique.

    “The National Museum of American History interprets America’s history through its vast collection,” it said. “This report’s objective is to punish it for doing that in a way that makes U.S. history accessible to and reflective of all Americans. The report is only the latest chapter in a broader, systematic campaign that now targets an institution that was never meant to answer to any single administration.”

    The group accused the administration of ignoring decades of scholarship and trying to “erase the conflict, struggle, and diversity — the complexity — that have always defined the American experience.”

    “Make no mistake: The report represents an attempt to turn back the clock to a time when U.S. history was taught as the history of white Christian men who conquered a continent, U.S. military leaders who rarely lost a battle and U.S. presidents who were single-handedly responsible for national greatness, all under the cover of ‘anti-DEI’ and ‘anti-woke’ crusading,” it said.

    The White House report presents a wide array of charges, including that the museum promotes transgender issues and engages in “pro-illegal immigrant activism.” But at its core is a complaint that it fails to tell an “inspiring and unifying” national story that focuses on the heroism of the founders and acknowledges Christianity’s “constructive role” in “shaping the nation and its freedoms.”

    In a separate email to the New York Times, the president of the Organization of American Historians, Marc Stein, questioned the symbolic timing of the report.

    “Released on July 4, 2026, the 250th birthday of the U.S. Declaration of Independence, the report is a declaration of independence from history,” he said.

    Stein, a history professor at San Francisco State and the author of a recent history of the 1976 Bicentennial, defended the museum’s director, Anthea M. Hartig, a scholar of architectural history and cultural heritage who took over that role in 2019.

    The report “mischaracterizes and misrepresents the words of Anthea Hartig, who has consistently worked to educate and inform visitors to the museum with innovative exhibits and inspirational programs,” he said. (Hartig is a past president of the Organization of American Historians.)

    Some historians have questioned the accuracy of some of the report’s claims, including that the museum largely ignores the American Revolution and figures such as George Washington.

    Sarah Weicksel, the executive director of the American Historical Association, which has more than 10,000 members, noted in an email that the museum includes some “extraordinary” Revolutionary-era objects, like the newly restored gunboat Philadelphia, which it is highlighting for the nation’s 250th anniversary.

    Weicksel questioned some of the report’s criticisms of specific wall labels — for example, one about the history of U.S. education that refers to portraits of George Washington that have hung in many classrooms to promote patriotism. The report faults the label for not including biographical information about Washington and why he is important.

    “Studies of museum visitation have shown that labels should be presented no higher than an eighth-grade reading level and that most visitors will read no more than a brief label,” she said. “If every label that mentions Washington or Lincoln needs to recount a rote interpretation of their importance to the country, visitors will never learn anything new.”

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • Repression turns to rage after quakes in Venezuela

    Repression turns to rage after quakes in Venezuela

    LA GUAIRA, Venezuela — As postquake efforts in Venezuela start shifting from rescue to recovery, a crack has opened in Venezuelan society, and people are speaking out against their repressive government with a force and openness that has not been seen in years.

    Across La Guaira, the northern state hardest hit by the twin quakes, grieving citizens have shouted down police officers and national guard members, accusing them of standing by as civilians and international aid workers dig for the living, and now, the dead.

    In interviews, Venezuelans are openly criticizing the country’s ruling party and its leader, Delcy Rodríguez, something that would have been unthinkable just a year ago.

    They are also turning their anger toward the Trump administration, which has spent the last few months facilitating economic deals between U.S. companies and Venezuela, and has stood by the government’s management of the disaster.

    Inside Venezuela, fears of imprisonment, torture, and forced exile, once powerful incentives for silence, are being pushed aside as feelings of frustration and impotence grow.

    “Why would I be afraid?” said José Silva, 47, who on Friday was resting on a sidewalk not far from a giant public housing complex now turned to rubble. Some 700 families had lived inside.

    Silva’s clothes were drenched with sweat; it was evening, only partway through his 10th day pulling survivors and bodies from under slabs of concrete. He lashed out at the government: the police were rescuing only their own, he said, and the government had sent only “second rate” tools.

    “Why would I be afraid,” to speak out, he said, “if I was born to die?”

    This anger runs parallel to growing political tension over the leadership of Rodríguez. When U.S. forces captured her predecessor, Nicolás Maduro, in January and greenlit her ascension from vice president to president, the Trump administration characterized Rodríguez as a force of stability.

    Before the quake, President Donald Trump said that she was doing a “very good job” running the country.

    But criticism of her government’s response to the disaster, particularly in the critical first 72 hours when victims are most likely to be rescued alive, and the growing fury in the streets, has raised questions about whether she can cement that stability.

    The public outrage could also complicate the Trump administration’s strategy of supporting Rodríguez so the United States can benefit from Venezuela’s resources.

    Trump’s envoy to Venezuela, John Barrett, has supported Rodríguez, saying in a television interview after the quakes that Washington had “a great deal of confidence” in the Venezuelan authorities.

    But in recent days a chorus of hard-line congressional Republicans have doubled down on criticism of her management, calling for political change as soon as possible.

    “They’re failing at their job right now,” Rep. Carlos Gimenez (R., Fla.) said in an interview with CNN, calling Rodríguez an “interim dictator.”

    Venezuelans have gathered outside the U.S. Embassy, pleading with Barrett to do more to help victims. One man, yelling into news media microphones outside the embassy recently, harangued Barrett for sitting with government officials the United States had once deemed criminals and terrorists, while victims suffered “just two blocks away.”

    “The grievance is indeed directed at John Barrett,” he shouted. “Why has he not sat with Venezuelan civil society — the honest ones, the ones who haven’t stolen anything?”

    Maria Corina Machado, the country’s popular opposition leader, has been trying to get back into the country, but she does not have a passport, or permission from Rodríguez or the United States, to enter Venezuela.

    At a news briefing on Thursday, Rodríguez defended her government’s response to the disaster, saying she had immediately dispatched 4,000 government workers to respond to the quakes, a number that had grown to 19,000.

    “What happened in Venezuela on June 24 was a natural tragedy of a scale we never imagined,” she said.

    In response to accusations of a poor state response, Rodríguez asserted repeatedly that “media laboratories” were inventing a narrative of chaos.

    As evidence of the government’s mobilization, official social media accounts have heavily publicized a handful of state-supported rescues, including one in which dozens of well-equipped emergency workers from Chile rescued a man who had survived a week in the rubble. Rodríguez visited the man at the hospital.

    But these videos contrast sharply with the reality in La Guaira, where civilians in sneakers and T-shirts are doing a vast amount of the rescue and recovery work, using shovels and pickaxes and their bare hands to pull friends, neighbors, children, spouses, siblings, and parents from the rubble. Some lack masks to protect themselves from the dust and stench of decomposing bodies.

    Rodríguez was widely criticized in Venezuela as out of touch after she was photographed wearing a luxury ski jacket, a logo of the Italian brand Moncler on her arm, to visit quake victims.

    “It’s a lie that the government is helping,” Silva said.

    Soon after he spoke, darkness fell. Not far way, a group of men had just discovered five bodies in a hole they had dug in the side of the mountain of broken concrete.

    The men wrapped the bodies in sheets and then laid them gently on the ground. Survivors looking for relatives crowded around, pulling back the sheets to try to identify the deceased. One was the body of a little girl. The others were unrecognizable.

    Thousands of people are now homeless, and the death toll, officially over 3,500, is likely to be far greater. In the coming weeks, the government will be under intense pressure to address an increasingly complex humanitarian crisis.

    Outside of another collapsed public housing building, Kimberling León, 39, a resident of the complex, described the government response in the hours and days after the quakes hit.

    She was searching for her sons, ages 9 and 13, who she believed were trapped in the rubble.

    “The police came by, normal, filming, they didn’t help us,” she said, her voice flat, like a person still in shock.

    “We said to them: ‘help us, help us,’ they didn’t come to our aid. We started digging with our hands, but the smoke was too much, the flames rose high, the gas tanks had exploded.”

    The second or third day, a shovel and pickax arrived, she said.

    “We started digging, digging, digging. We called for machines to help, but they just passed us by, headed to the private buildings” where people could pay, she said.

    Silence has been one of the most valuable commodities in La Guaira, as rescuers try to make out the taps and calls of any living that might still be buried in the rubble.

    Often, rescuers shoot a fist in the air and call for quiet, instructing drivers to cut motors and people to stop walking.

    On a recent day, profanities rained down on the interior ministry workers who rolled past a silent zone with sirens blaring. Civilians banged on the car in anger.

    While the quakes have opened space for people to vent years of pent up fury, this public outcry could also spur a crackdown, leading to questions about how the United States would respond to any repression.

    The last major social outburst was in 2024, after the ruling party stole a presidential election.

    Venezuelan officials halted protests in a matter of days by sending the military into the streets, killing protesters and locking up civilians accused of minor expressions of dissent.

    Last week, a volunteer rescuer named Wilmer Cruz who had been filmed speaking out about the government response disappeared, according to human rights groups.

    When activists publicly accused the government of retaliating against Cruz, the authorities released him from prison.

    Oscar Murillo, who leads Provea, a human rights group, said the arrest highlighted for him that the quakes have not changed the “authoritarian model” in Venezuela.

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.