Category: Elections

  • Supreme Court rules mail-in ballots arriving after Election Day can be counted

    The Supreme Court on Monday upheld a Mississippi law that allows officials to tally mail-in ballots postmarked by Election Day that arrive later, a decision that keeps voting procedures in place in several states as the midterm elections loom.

    In an ideologically mixed 5-4 ruling, the justices turned aside a challenge by Republicans and Libertarians, who argued federal law preempts a Mississippi statute that allows the counting of such ballots that arrive up to five days after polls close.

    The decision could make less likely similar legal challenges in 14 states that allow the counting of ballots that arrive days or weeks after polls close, and others that allow military members to return ballots later. Most states require mail-in ballots to be received by Election Day.

    Justice Amy Coney Barrett delivered the opinion for the majority, which included Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. and the court’s three liberals. Barrett said federal election law did not address when ballots should be received.

    “The election-day statutes say nothing about ballot receipt, and we cannot add to the words Congress chose,” Barrett wrote.

    The ruling came over the objections of four of the court’s conservatives. Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. wrote the opinion for the group, which included Justices Clarence Thomas, Neil M. Gorsuch, and Brett M. Kavanaugh.

    “Not only is today’s decision inconsistent with statutory text, legal context, historical practice, and precedent; it also threatens to produce lamentable consequences,” Alito wrote. “The majority’s holding spawns a slurry of troubling election-law questions and risks further undermining Americans’ confidence in election integrity.”

    President Donald Trump and some Republican allies have falsely argued that voter fraud is rampant in mail-in balloting. Trump partly blamed his loss in the 2020 presidential election on mail-in votes and unsuccessfully called on states to stop tallying them during the contest.

    Trump called the ruling a “tremendous loss” in a post on Truth Social. He called on Congress to pass the Save America Act, which tightens voter identification laws.

    Republicans in a number of states have launched legal challenges to mail-in voting, which has grown in popularity since the onset of the coronavirus pandemic. One study found about 1 in 3 voters voted by mail in 2024, but the practice is more widespread in Democratic-leaning states.

    Conservatives in Congress also have introduced legislation to limit mail-in voting.

    In March, Trump issued an executive order telling the Postal Service to send ballots only to voters who appear on lists of citizens created by states in conjunction with the federal government. A federal judge in Massachusetts blocked that provision of the executive order last week, saying states — not the president — are responsible for setting election rules.

    Despite his criticism of mail-in voting, Trump voted by mail in a special election in Florida earlier this year.

    In the case decided by the high court, the Republican National Committee, the Mississippi Republican Party, a state voter, and a county election commissioner had sued Mississippi in 2024, claiming it was illegal to count mail-in ballots that arrive after polls close because federal law sets elections for a specific day. The Libertarian Party later filed a similar suit.

    The cases were consolidated by a federal judge, who allowed groups of veterans and retirees to intervene in the suit on behalf of Mississippi. The judge dismissed the case, but the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit reversed that ruling. Mississippi then appealed to the Supreme Court.

    During arguments in March, Paul D. Clement, an attorney for the conservatives, told the justices that casting and counting ballots at the same time has long been “intertwined.” He said allowing mail-in ballots to be counted after Election Day could increase fraud and undermine faith in elections, particularly if the winning candidate was not the one ahead when polls closed.

    “The losers are going to doubt the result, full stop,” Clement said. “That is bad for our system.”

    Mississippi Solicitor General Scott G. Stewart countered that existing law required only that voters fill out their ballots by Election Day. He said mail-in voting has a long history in the United States, pointing to field voting that occurred during the Civil War.

    “States have allowed it for over a century, and Congress has respected it,” Stewart said.

    This term has been an active one for the justices on voting and election issues. In January, the court allowed a Republican congressman from Illinois to challenge the state’s mail-in balloting laws, finding candidates have inherent standing to sue over election rules.

    The case brought by Rep. Mike Bost (R., Ill.) also argues that federal law prohibits ballots from being counted after Election Day. The case was sent back to the lower courts.

    The justices also severely limited a key section of the Voting Rights Act, which has cleared the way for a number of Republican-controlled states in the South to carve up districts held mostly by Black Democrats ahead of the midterm elections. Hundreds of other minority officeholders could be redistricted out of their seats in state and local boards.

    The court has yet to rule in a case challenging limits on spending coordinated between political parties and candidates that is being pushed by the Republican Party. Striking down the spending limits could give Republicans a big money boost in November.

    Fourteen states provide grace periods for all mail ballots, and another 16 provide them for military and overseas voters. Republican-led states have been steering away from ballot grace periods recently, with Kansas, North Dakota, Ohio, and Utah eliminating them last year, according to Voting Rights Lab.

    RNC Chairperson Joe Gruters said Republicans would push Congress to pass legislation requiring ballots in all states to be returned by Election Day.

    “Democrats are inviting chaos at the ballot box by allowing elections to drag on for days and weeks after voters cast their ballots,” he said in a statement.

    Voting rights advocates praised the decision, saying they feared the court could reverse long-standing policies on when ballots are due.

    “Good news rarely comes out of this Supreme Court, but today’s ruling is a win for our democracy,” NAACP President Derrick Johnson said. Virginia Kase Solomón, president of Common Cause, said the decision was correct because voters “shouldn’t lose their voice because of mail delays outside their control.”

  • Stacy Garrity on potentially being the first female governor of Pennsylvania: ‘It’s my least favorite thing to talk about’

    Stacy Garrity on potentially being the first female governor of Pennsylvania: ‘It’s my least favorite thing to talk about’

    If elected in November, Stacy Garrity would become Pennsylvania’s first female governor in the state’s 238-year history.

    Even now, she is one of only two women in history to receive the Republican Party’s nomination for the job.

    The state has never had a woman as its governor; no woman has been elected as U.S. senator; and both times a woman ran for president, she lost the state. Over the last two centuries, Pennsylvania’s political glass ceiling has proven stubbornly resistant to cracks.

    But on the campaign trail against Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro, Garrity, 62, said she doesn’t give that too much thought.

    “It’s my least favorite thing to talk about,” she said. “I was the oldest of four daughters, and we were just told that we were expected to work hard.”

    Navigating gender dynamics in politics can prove to be a particularly fine balance. Republicans, in particular, often emphasize that candidates should rise on their skills and talent, not personal identity.

    Garrity emphasized her attention is on issues like the power grid, education, and reining in spending, though she recognizes the historic significance of a potential win.

    “Republicans, for the most part, are based on merit, and that’s how I was raised,” said Garrity, who spent decades serving in the Army Reserve and as an executive in the manufacturing industry before becoming state treasurer. When she was reelected in 2024, she broke the record in Pennsylvania for the most number of votes cast in her favor for a statewide office, a distinction formerly held by Shapiro.

    In addition to taking on centuries of male-dominated leadership, Garrity will face other challenges in November.

    She is a Republican who has aligned herself closely with President Donald Trump — including campaigning at his Mar-A-Lago Club in Florida — at a time when Trump has been experiencing historic dissatisfaction among voters and the national political environment favors Democrats.

    And she is running against Shapiro, a Democratic incumbent with a rising national star who is popular even among independents. He has $38 million banked as of May, vastly outpacing Garrity’s $2.8 million. Shapiro is also counting on a strong showing in the midterms to help Democrats win the majority in the U.S. House.

    “I think [voters] are excited to have a first female governor, but I don’t think that is the reason anybody would vote for me,” she said.

    In Pennsylvania and 16 other states

    It is hard to be what you can’t see. And for voters who have never experienced a woman at the top of the hierarchy, it is difficult to imagine what that could look like, experts said.

    It has been 300 years since a woman led Pennsylvania — before it was a state.

    Hannah Callowhill Penn led the colony of Pennsylvania, governing first while her husband, William Penn, suffered several strokes, and then alongside a group of trustees after he died. Over 14 years, she settled boundary disputes, appointed and replaced government officials, and navigated relations with the monarchy in England.

    Other Pennsylvania women made attempts to break gender barriers but came up short. Barbara Hafer ran as a Republican against Democratic incumbent Bob Casey Sr. in the 1990 governor’s race, but lost with just 32% of the vote.

    Former U.S. Rep. Allyson Schwartz lost to Tom Wolf during the Democratic primary for governor in 2014, and Laura Ellsworth was defeated by Scott Wagner in the 2018 Republican gubernatorial primary.

    “It could just be a coincidence, but also it’s very hard to break political traditions, and one of those traditions in Pennsylvania, unfortunately, is male leadership,” said Nichola Gutgold, a professor at Pennsylvania State University’s Lehigh Valley campus, who has researched women in politics.

    Pennsylvania, however, is not alone. There are 17 states that have never had a female senator, and 17 states have never had a female governor, according to the Pew Research Center. That distinction spans geographic ranges and party control.

    Still, Pennsylvania is one of just four states that has never had either, along with Idaho, Indiana, and Colorado. Among them, only Colorado went for Democrats Hillary Clinton and Kamala Harris for president.

    “We have certain variables at play in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania that make it more challenging for women to run for elected office,” said Dana Brown, executive director of the Pennsylvania Center for Women and Politics.

    The role of the parties on the state and county levels means they have a strong influence on recruiting candidates and pushing them up through the pipeline. Historically, recruiting tended to come from more masculine bases — such as fire stations or township supervisor positions.

    Now, though, “both sides of the aisle recognize that women can win here in Pennsylvania, and so Republicans and Democrats have been purposely recruiting more women,” she said.

    Women have made strides in other Pennsylvania elected offices.

    In Harrisburg, State Rep. Joanna McClinton (D., Philadelphia) is the first woman and second Black person to serve as speaker of the Pennsylvania House. Republican State Sen. Kim Ward of Westmoreland County is the first woman in Pennsylvania history to serve as Senate president pro tempore and Senate majority leader.

    When former Democratic U.S. Rep. Susan Wild, the first woman to represent the Lehigh Valley in Congress, was elected in 2018, “it took a real concentrated effort from [political action committees] and from groups that really wanted to see a woman win to make that happen,” Gutgold said.

    In other cases, as in neighboring New Jersey or Virginia, women have ascended with a combination of fortunate timing, skill, experience, and deft campaigning.

    When Gov. Mikie Sherrill last year became the second woman elected to lead New Jersey, Brown said, “it was a change election for New Jersey, and it was a sign of pushing back against what the federal government is doing with ICE and immigration and also with the economy.”

    Even though Sherrill, a Democrat, shares the same party as her predecessor, Phil Murphy, New Jersey’s vote for a woman represents change, Brown said. “She also worked really, really hard for it, as most women do,” she added.

    Sometimes, female candidates succeed by pushing against expected norms for women by emphasizing military experience or work in male-dominated trades, Gutgold said. Garrity has emphasized her military and business experience on the campaign trail, holding a Veterans for Garrity rally last week.

    “I think that, rhetorically speaking, it would be easier to elect a woman who appears to hold more conservative views, because of the way we, the electorate, still views women’s role in society,” Gutgold said.

    Republican women have scored victories in the Deep South by upholding conservative values such as opposition to abortion and support of gun rights. Kay Ivey holds the governor’s mansion in Alabama, and Nikki Haley previously led South Carolina for two terms. In Tennessee, U.S. Sen. Marsha Blackburn has represented the state since 2018 and publicly repudiated gender-specific titles, such as congresswoman vs. congressman.

    Garrity, on the campaign trail, has also vowed to clean up the “boys will be boys” culture in Harrisburg and has criticized Shapiro’s handling of a sexual harassment case involving a longtime aide.

    The aide, Mike Vereb, abruptly stepped down in 2023, while the administration quietly agreed to pay $295,000 to settle claims from an employee in the governor’s office that Vereb had made repeated sexual advances toward her, and made lewd claims about her and other women.

    “We don’t need to settle for a governor who will sweep sexual harassment and abuse charges under the rug. We don’t need to accept that our state government is a cesspool where intimidation is the norm and public employees fear retribution,” Garrity said during a news conference this year.

    Manuel Bonder, a spokesperson for Shapiro, rejected those accusations.

    “Governor Shapiro has a track record of taking on powerful institutions, exposing sexual abuse, and putting predators behind bars — and he continues to fight to deliver real accountability and justice for survivors here in Pennsylvania,” he said.

    Could Pa. women give Garrity a boost?

    Nationally, women voters tend to lean more toward the Democratic Party, Pew Research Center data show, so it’s unlikely that the Republican Party will attract a huge turnover — even with a female candidate on the top of the ticket.

    Sometimes, however, the gender divide can become even more entrenched. In 2024, for example, when the candidates were broadly polling neck-and-neck, Harris saw a 17-point advantage with Pennsylvania women, while Trump led with men in the state by 11 points, according to a Philadelphia Inquirer/New York Times/Siena College poll.

    Garrity said she is putting together agendas that speak to various coalitions of voters, such as veterans, Latinos, and small-business owners.

    “I don’t think we’ve done specifically females, but that might be a good idea,” she said. A campaign spokesperson added that Garrity would be rolling out women-focused events in the coming weeks.

    Campaigns can target women by speaking directly to certain issues. Democrats have often focused their message on support for reproductive access and abortion rights, especially since the 2022 Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade.

    According to a Pew Research Center report in March, 64% of women and 55% of men say abortion should be legal in all or most cases. But Garrity has been inconsistent on the issue. She said “Roe was wrong from the beginning” on the day the ruling came out and sold T-shirts on her campaign website that opposed abortion. But in an interview last September, Garrity said she would “respect” Pennsylvania’s current abortion law and would not support a state ban.

    Republicans, meanwhile, often promote public safety and have sought to make women’s sports a wedge issue in recent elections by pushing restrictions on the participation of transgender athletes.

    It is a tactic Garrity will use against Shapiro, who has called attempts to silo transgender athletes discriminatory.

    “A lot of people think that he’s moderate because he likes to be all things to all people, and they don’t understand, he is really for boys competing against girls in sports,” Garrity said.

    There are other issues women candidates are often seen as more trusted on, such as education, healthcare, and children’s needs, Gutgold said.

    Amy Widestrom, executive director of the League of Women Voters of Pennsylvania, said top of mind for members of her organization right now is the right to vote. She said some women have expressed concern that requiring documentary proof of citizenship, which Republicans say is meant to ensure immigrants in the country illegally do not vote, could affect those who change their legal name and do not have matching identification records.

    Appealing to women on these issues can pay off, as they represent a significant voting bloc. Among registered voters in Pennsylvania, 52% are female. Of registered Democrats, 59% are female, and 47% of registered Republicans are female. Roughly 40% of unaffiliated voters are female, according to Widestrom, via voter data.

    But Macy Charles of Concerned Women for America, a socially conservative political nonprofit focused on women, said candidates should speak more expansively when courting women voters.

    “It’s pretty offensive to assume that when we’re talking about issues women care about, it’s only women’s specific issues, like abortion,” said Charles, a legislative strategist. “Women care about the economy, women care about the U.S. borders. Because they have maternal instincts, they care about their families, they care about the well-being of America’s future.”

    Rather than leaning into identity, Charles said, Garrity is reinforcing her reputation of competence.

    “More than just her identity as a woman, she is willing to stand up for common sense and truth and really put families first,” she said.

    Still, Garrity recognizes the achievement her potential victory could bring.

    To be Pennsylvania’s first female governor, “I think it would be great,” she said, “but I think it will be because I am absolutely the best candidate.”

  • New Pa. poll shows Shapiro leading handily against Garrity, trouncing Trump in popularity

    New Pa. poll shows Shapiro leading handily against Garrity, trouncing Trump in popularity

    Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro has a commanding lead against his Republican rival Stacy Garrity in a head-to-head matchup, and he maintains steady job approval ratings five months ahead of the November election, according to a new poll of Pennsylvania voters from Franklin and Marshall College.

    Shapiro leads Garrity 50% to 28% in the 2026 governor’s race, a crushing advantage well outside of the survey’s margin of error of 5.1 percentage points. It is the first major poll released since both candidates officially secured their parties’ nominations in uncontested primaries last month.

    The survey, conducted June 8-14 by the Center for Opinion Research on behalf of Franklin and Marshall, involved 546 registered Pennsylvania voters. Roughly 42% were Democrats, about the same percentage were Republicans, and about 16% were independents.

    Shapiro won almost half of independents and just over a quarter of Republicans, who rated his performance as excellent or good.

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    About an equal proportion of all voters — 48% — said Shapiro is doing an excellent or good job as governor as those who said he is doing a fair or poor job.

    Shapiro’s approval comes as he continues building a national profile, likely with ambitions for higher office.

    He also boasts relative popularity despite voters’ deep concern with their personal finances and the state of the economy, the top issue among every partisan group.

    “The big concern that people face is economic, and even though that’s the problem that we see facing us, the blame goes outside of Pennsylvania,” said Berwood Yost, the director of the Center for Opinion Research. “People don’t see [Shapiro] as being responsible for the economic concerns that they have.”

    But people do blame President Donald Trump.

    Just 29% of voters said Trump is doing an excellent or good job, while 71% said he is doing a fair or poor job. It marked a 10-percentage-point drop from March, when his positive approval rating was 39%.

    While 63% of Republican voters gave Trump positive reviews in the new poll, that number was almost 80% in March.

    Just under half of respondents said they are “worse off” financially than one year ago, and 35% of voters said the economy, including unemployment, housing and real estate costs, and higher gas and utility prices, is the most important problem facing the state.

    “Pennsylvania should be doing so much better,” Garrity said in a previous interview with The Inquirer. “[Voters] know we’re falling behind. They know that we have a governor who’s more interested in Pennsylvania Avenue than helping Pennsylvania families. They’re very worried about utility prices because their electric bills are going up, up, up. Groceries are expensive.”

    But among those who mention economic problems, voters in the poll trust Democrats over Republicans, 42% to 24%, as the party that can best handle the issue.

    Shapiro’s campaign released a new TV and digital ad Tuesday focusing on his expansion of workforce opportunities, such as apprenticeships in trades like welding.

    “Governor Shapiro bet on workers like me. I’m proof that bet’s paying off,” said Ryan, a worker in Western Pennsylvania, in the ad.

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    Yost said Garrity is a “high-quality candidate” with a great resume that may keep down-ballot Republicans afloat, but she is competing against a popular incumbent in a year where Democrats are poised to win seats.

    “It’s rough to be a Republican at the moment,” he said. “You’re facing those headwinds, no matter what office you’re running.”

    On the economy, the issue voters care most about, a mere 17% of voters approve of how Trump’s administration is handling inflation.

    “The concerns about personal financial circumstances, the economy, and the cost of living — they’re paramount in people’s minds, and they’ve become more pronounced since March,“ Yost said. “That’s had an effect on the president’s job approval ratings in the state, which have declined pretty substantially.”

    In the last four gubernatorial races, the average margin of victory has been about 13 percentage points, Yost said, while presidential races tend to be much tighter — about 2.2 points.

    “What’s essential to understand is that these races happen in a different context than the presidential races. There are a lot of things different about them, and typically incumbent governors have a real advantage,” he said.

    State issues show more consensus

    Many of Shapiro’s budget priorities, such as restricting cell phones in schools and taxing skill games, have widespread public support.

    Almost nine out of 10 people support limiting access to cell phones in classrooms, which follows Shapiro’s urge for legislation to “get distractions out of the classroom and create a healthier environment in our schools.”

    And 71% of registered voters favor regulating and taxing so-called skill games, the slot machine look-alikes around Pennsylvania — an 11-percentage-point increase compared with previous F&M polling in 2024.

    The Pennsylvania Supreme Court ruled Monday the skill games are, in fact, slot machines and should be regulated as such, clearing the way for the state to place new rules on the devices. The decision was celebrated by Democrats who view the machines as “predatory.”

    Most voters, 70%, also support having an independent redistricting commission to draw state legislative districts, and 59% oppose mid-decade redistricting.

    Texas redrew its congressional maps last August at Trump’s urging, shifting five seats to lean more heavily Republican. California voters approved a constitutional amendment in November to permit the adoption of replacement maps that would favor Democrats. Other states have also voluntarily redrawn or created new maps following litigation.

    Shapiro said he also opposes mid-decade redistricting, telling reporters last August: “It’s not on the table here in Pennsylvania.”

    As parties compete for control of the U.S. House of Representatives this midterm election season, the poll found that voters prefer Democrats over Republicans by 12 points, 47% to 35%. Shapiro has personally backed several candidates and is hoping to use his influence to help Democrats win the majority this November.

  • No Philly mayor has lost reelection in modern history. So does Mayor Parker have anything to worry about?

    No Philly mayor has lost reelection in modern history. So does Mayor Parker have anything to worry about?

    Through much of Mayor Cherelle L. Parker’s first two years in office, most political insiders in Philadelphia assumed she would cruise to reelection.

    After all, no mayor in the last eight decades in the deep-blue city has lost a bid for a second term. And Parker is backed by the city’s long-powerful Democratic establishment, contributing to the foregone conclusion that their allied mayor would win again.

    Even some of Parker’s staunchest critics on the left admitted privately that they were resigned to her serving eight years in office.

    Then last month, conventional wisdom started to crack.

    State Rep. Chris Rabb — a democratic socialist and an anti-establishment firebrand — won a tightly contested battle for an open seat in Congress, prevailing over Parker’s endorsed candidate and even carrying the 50th Ward in Northwest Philadelphia, where Parker is ward leader.

    Now some of the activists who lead the city’s largest left-leaning organizations think that race showed that Philadelphians are ready to pick a progressive over the Democratic establishment. And they are looking at next year’s mayor’s race again, asking the question: Is Parker vulnerable?

    “We would love to have a progressive challenger in this race,” said Sergio Cea, political director of the progressive group Reclaim Philadelphia. “The establishment was really defeated on all fronts this election cycle.”

    In a little more than 10 months, Parker, a centrist Democrat and the city’s first female mayor, will be up for reelection. She has not officially announced a campaign — doing so would trigger strict fundraising rules and limits — but all signs indicate she intends to run again, including an already huge campaign war chest.

    Any challenger to Parker would be considered a significant underdog. The mayor has the power of incumbency, and can point to progress on her 2023 campaign promises to make the city safer and cleaner, not the least of which is a historically low homicide rate. Thousands of residents are getting their trash picked up twice a week, and polls consistently show that more Philadelphians say they think that the city is heading in the right direction now than when Parker took office.

    She even seemed to recover politically after one of her lowest moments: the eight-day municipal worker strike last year that left so much garbage piling up that it became colloquially known as “the trash strike.” Parker, through her signature unyielding negotiating style, muscled her way to an agreement with the union.

    Today, she is supported by most of the city’s elected officials and powerful organized labor groups. Ryan N. Boyer, the head of a coalition of deep-pocketed building trades unions, said recently that any challenger to Parker would face “annihilation.”

    “This is Philadelphia, there are always people who want to run for mayor. But mayoral elections are decided on whether people think their city is moving in the right direction,” said Aren Platt, executive director of People for Parker, the mayor’s political campaign arm. “Mayor Parker has been underestimated her entire career, and she has a habit of proving people wrong.”

    Mayor Cherelle L. Parker raises a finger with her call-and-response “One Philly, A United City” mantra ending her speech during a ceremonial meeting of the Pennsylvania Senate at the National Constitution Center across the mall from Independence Hall on May 5.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer

    However, some on the left see a coalescence of forces that could bolster their chances: national frustration with the Democratic establishment that has manifested in leftist wins, a widespread anti-incumbent sentiment, and liberal rage toward President Donald Trump, whom Parker has largely avoided maligning publicly.

    They also see potential signs of Parker’s power waning, including her recent budget battle during which she could not get Democrats in Harrisburg and City Hall on board with her tax plans.

    “If you just have the right candidates that are able to speak to the dissatisfaction of Democratic voters in Philadelphia,” Cea said, “I do think [Parker] is in trouble.”

    But the biggest question for Philadelphia progressives in the approaching mayoral race remains: Who could be their candidate?

    The potential challengers

    Jack Inacker, a Democratic strategist based in Philadelphia, said there are few, if any, challengers to Parker who could pull off a win in 2027.

    “The progressive infrastructure now has built up in a way where, if you squint really hard, you can see a path to a progressive challenger,” Inacker said. “The problem is that [Parker] is one big mistake away from being beatable, but she’s not beatable yet. And people know that.”

    Candidates have plenty of time to decide. Paperwork to get on the ballot likely would not be due until March.

    Perhaps the most talked-about potential challenger so far is District Attorney Larry Krasner, the city’s most prominent progressive. He has not ruled out a run for mayor, and he has recently publicly criticized Parker and some of her closest allies.

    Last week, he invited media to walk along with him while he hand-delivered a letter to the mayor’s suite in City Hall to express dissatisfaction with his office’s budget. Parker called the move “stunting.”

    Platt, in a thinly veiled shot at Krasner, said in a statement that “what we’ve seen recently is too many politicians focused on generating headlines rather than solving problems: manufacturing controversy, looking for someone else to blame, and confusing political theater with leadership.”

    District Attorney Larry Krasner greets supporters during his election night party at the Pipeline Philly coworking space on May 20, 2025, in Philadelphia. Krasner defeated challenger Patrick Dugan both in the Democratic primary and in the general election.Monica Herndon / Staff Photographer

    Krasner has won citywide election three times, twice winning reelection in landslide fashion. He is one of the nation’s most well-known progressive prosecutors and one of the city’s most polarizing figures. His base of support includes the city’s left, as well as a large swath of Black voters and elected officials.

    But it was Parker’s political family — the vaunted Northwest Coalition of the some of the city’s most storied Black politicians — that was key to Krasner’s political ascent. Challenging Parker could be seen as a betrayal by some in the voter-rich northwest corner of the city, and his base there could fracture.

    Krasner has also in the past struggled to keep up with his opponents in fundraising. Any challenger to Parker would likely need to bring in well over a million dollars, a sum of money that Krasner has never raised before.

    Several other elected officials are seen as potential challengers to Parker, including several sitting members of City Council.

    Councilmember Isaiah Thomas, who represents the city at-large, has long been rumored to have ambitions for higher office. He has been elected citywide twice, and recently was among the most vocal opponents of the Philadelphia School District’s controversial plan to close 17 schools.

    And he has allies both on the left and in the city’s business community, the latter of which has been frustrated with a Parker administration policy shift that increased the tax burden on small businesses.

    Councilmembers Isaiah Thomas (from left), Curtis Jones Jr., and Jamie Gauthier protest at an April school board meeting as the board prepared to vote on the facilities plan.Jessica Griffin / Staff Photographer

    Thomas said last week that he is focused on his job in City Council.

    “That job right now is hard enough, looking at the affordability crisis, the crisis around public education, and other issues that we’re facing,” he said.

    There’s also two-term Councilmember Jamie Gauthier, who represents parts of West Philadelphia and has positioned herself as one of Council’s chief critics of the Parker administration. She said earlier this year that running for mayor “could be interesting one day,” but that she would not run if she did not see a clear path to victory.

    She said in a statement that her focus is “finishing what we started on City Council, especially building affordable housing.”

    Gauthier added: “But it’s clear Philadelphians are hungry for leaders who will put working families above big business.”

    And there is Councilmember Kendra Brooks, the de facto leader of the city’s left-leaning coalition and a member of the progressive Working Families Party. Brooks, who represents the city at-large, has twice campaigned and won citywide.

    A political adviser to Brooks said she is focused on her work in City Hall and running for reelection to Council, as well as “building Black progressive political power through the WFP.”

    What do progressive gains mean for the 2027 mayor’s race?

    Parker’s camp sees strength in her numbers.

    In March, the mayor’s political arm commissioned a poll that found that 60% of respondents approve of the job Parker is doing as mayor, while 33% disapprove. Her approval rating was even higher among Black voters, older voters, and residents of Northwest Philadelphia — one of the highest-turnout areas of the city.

    Mayor Cherelle L. Parker (right) hugs Rachel O’Neal, executive of the Friends Childcare Center, at the unveiling of a new playful learning hub at Sisters Cities Park on Thursday.Jessica Griffin / Staff Photographer

    Cornell Belcher, one of the top Democratic pollsters in the nation, has conducted polling for Parker dating back to her mayoral campaign. He said that a key indicator of voter attitude toward an incumbent mayor is the number of residents who think the city is heading in the right direction.

    The results this spring, he noted, were “dramatically different” from when Parker was first campaigning for the office. In April 2023, Belcher measured that 66% of Democratic primary voters in the city were dissatisfied with the direction of Philadelphia.

    Today, he said, 62% are satisfied.

    Still, other polls have shown potential warning signs for Parker.

    In three polls that were conducted this spring in the 3rd Congressional District and obtained by The Inquirer, an average of 48% of Democratic primary voters said they had a favorable view of Parker and 41% had an unfavorable view. The polls, which measured voter attitudes in roughly half the city, were conducted by three different firms, and they were commissioned by different campaigns and organizations.

    Approval and favorability ratings are not apples-to-apples. An approval rating is often considered a more reliable data point for an incumbent executive, because it measures attitudes about job performance, not reputation.

    Belcher, who founded his polling firm 25 years ago and polled for former President Barack Obama, said he would not draw conclusions from polls of a congressional district that includes only half the city and was taken in a different election year. And he questioned other pollsters’ methodology in Philadelphia, a city that is tricky to survey.

    “A city like Philadelphia, with all its different racial and ethnic groups, getting that right is hard,” Belcher said. “The more diverse an area is, the more work you have to put into getting it right.”

    Chris Rabb greets supporters on election day. He is arriving to his polling place to vote, Grace Epiphany Episcopal Church, on May 19.Alejandro A. Alvarez / Staff Photographer

    The results of last month’s congressional race energized progressives, in part because Rabb performed well in parts of the city that Parker carried when she won the crowded open Democratic mayoral primary in 2023. An Inquirer analysis found that more than a quarter of Rabb’s votes came from divisions that voted for Parker in 2023.

    Rabb won his Democratic primary in a race that included three front-runners. But mayoral reelection battles in Philadelphia have historically been head-to-head, meaning the winner will look to reach 50% of the vote, a more challenging proposition for an ideological candidate.

    Platt said he would caution against concluding that Parker is politically vulnerable based on the outcome of the congressional race.

    And he said Rabb’s win in Parker’s 50th Ward is not a sign of cracks in the mayor’s base. He noted that the ward’s Democratic committeepeople last week unanimously reelected Parker as ward leader.

    “The mayor is organized, and her coalition across Philadelphia is strong,” Platt said. “They may not be active on Reddit, but they’re there, and they believe in what she’s doing because they can see the results in their neighborhoods.”

  • Fox News host fact-checks John Fetterman: ‘Senator, we haven’t confirmed that’

    Fox News host fact-checks John Fetterman: ‘Senator, we haven’t confirmed that’

    Sen. John Fetterman (D., Pa.) was back on television Friday attacking a familiar target: controversial Maine Democratic Senate candidate Graham Platner. This time, he received some fact-checking pushback from a Fox News host.

    Despite sharing political parties, Fetterman has been an outspoken critic of Platner, who reportedly exchanged explicit text messages with other women during the early days of his marriage and is accused of volatile behavior by several ex-girlfriends. Platner has denied being physically threatening.

    The criticism followed earlier questions about a death’s-head tattoo that Platner had that was similar to a World War II SS symbol, and various comments he posted on Reddit.

    “He’s a bona fide dirtbag,” Fetterman told Philadelphia native Kristen Welker on NBC’s Meet the Press NOW Friday. “The Nazi tattoo, and the insane things that he said online. … What’s his resumé?”

    Democrat Graham Platner is taking on incumbent Republican Sen. Susan Collins in Maine. Sophie Park

    Fox News opinion hosts have been more than happy to welcome Fetterman in recent months, especially if it’s to criticize a fellow Democrat. He was just on the network last week bashing Platner, telling host Sean Hannity, “I’ll never carry water for that mess.”

    But on Friday night, during an appearing on The Ingraham Angle, host Laura Ingraham had to interrupt Fetterman after he accused Platner of sending sexually explicit pictures as recently as last year.

    “Senator, we haven’t confirmed that,” Ingraham said. “Fox has not confirmed that he sent these pictures.”

    The interruption caused Fetterman to fumble a bit before calling on Platner to “clear it up” by releasing all the messages he allegedly sent.

    Amy Gertner, Platner’s wife, admitted the two had worked through issues in their marriage and acknowledged seeking help from both marriage and personal counselors.

    “No marriage is perfect, and I don’t want a perfect marriage,” Gertner said in a video shared on social media last month. “I want my marriage, and I want to be married to Graham.”

    Platner recently took a shot at Fetterman on the campaign trail, criticizing the Pennsylvania senator’s work ethic during a town hall in Portland, Maine, last weekend.

    “I got a lot of criticisms about the way this government functions. But in order for us to make it functional, we’re going to have to do stuff,” Platner said, according to The Hill. “And you can’t just go down there and be John Fetterman and … just sort of be an a-hole.”

    “Oh, I’m devastated,” Fetterman joked on NBC. “I’ll take everything he says as a badge of honor.”

    Platner is taking on incumbent Sen. Susan Collins (R., Maine) this fall for a seat Democrats are targeting as part of their effort to take back control of the Senate. Republicans currently control the Senate 53-47, with two independents caucusing with Democrats. So Democrats would need to gain at least four seats in the 2026 midterm elections, and right now political analysts are focusing on six states: Maine, North Carolina, Texas, Ohio, Alaska, and Iowa.

    While Fetterman won’t be supporting Platner and has veered to the right to become a key backer of some of President Donald Trump’s priorities, don’t expect to see him campaigning for Collins.

    “I am a Democrat,” Fetterman told Ingraham on Fox News. “We have different views on things.”

  • Philly’s Democratic Party is likely to order a rerun of Councilmember Cindy Bass’ contested ward election

    Philly’s Democratic Party is likely to order a rerun of Councilmember Cindy Bass’ contested ward election

    Philadelphia’s Democratic City Committee is likely to take the rare step of ordering a redo of Monday’s controversial 22nd Ward leader election, in which City Councilmember Cindy Bass declared herself the victor after a closely divided voice vote, according to a person with knowledge of the party’s decision-making process.

    City committee chair Bob Brady confirmed that Octavius Price, a progressive who ran against the incumbent Bass in the Mount Airy ward, has filed a formal challenge to the election results.

    The party’s contest committee, which is made up of other ward leaders, will meet on Sunday to hear from both sides, Brady said. That committee will then make a recommendation on how to proceed that will be considered by the full body of duly elected ward leaders from across the city — excluding Bass. From political endorsements to disciplinary decisions, the ward leaders in the past have almost always followed the recommendations of the party’s committees.

    Philadelphia Democratic Party Chairman Bob Brady listens as Mayor Cherelle L. Parker speaks at a rally for 3rd Congressional District primary candidate State Sen. Sharif Street May 18, 2026.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer

    Possible outcomes include the party declaring that either Bass or Price had won on Monday night — or ordering a rerun of the election, in which the ward’s committeepeople would have to meet for another election overseen by a neutral party.

    Given reports from Monday — including a video showing Bass adjourning the meeting after declaring victory, while ignoring cries for a roll call to clarify the vote — the city committee is all but guaranteed to order a rerun of the election, according to the source, who was not permitted to discuss the party’s plans publicly and spoke on the condition of anonymity.

    That decision would represent a notable rebuke from the city’s Democratic establishment for Bass, a centrist who has been a ward leader since 2018 and holds a leadership role in the citywide party as a vice chair.

    Bass has repeatedly clashed with progressive activists in her Northwest Philadelphia-based 8th Council District and was narrowly reelected in 2023. She is likely to face another challenge from the left in next year’s Council election, and control of the 22nd Ward could be an important factor in the race.

    Octavius Price, a fiber optic engineer and member of the Pennsylvania Air National Guard, ran for 22nd Democratic Ward leader. Sean Walsh

    Bass said she is confident she will have the votes to win another four-year term as ward leader if there is a rerun.

    “It’s not in my hands,” she said Wednesday. “It’s totally up to the Democratic City Committee, and I’ll support whatever the decision is.”

    Ward leaders and committeepeople are the foot soldiers of the Philadelphia Democratic Party. They are tasked with knocking on doors to get out the vote for party-endorsed candidates, as well as sometimes fielding constituent services requests.

    As the incumbent ward leader, Bass chaired Monday night’s election at the Germantown Seventh-day Adventist Church in Mount Airy. A video of the meeting obtained by The Inquirer showed that numerous people voted for Bass and for Price during the voice vote, and that Bass ignored requests for a vote-by-vote roll call that could have clarified who won.

    Brady said Monday that while voice votes can be used to decide ward leader elections, any requests for roll-call votes must be honored. He added that having a video of the meeting would provide “great proof” for the contest committee as it tries to sort out what happened.

    “There’s always ‘he said, she said,’” Brady said. “But if there’s a video, we gotta take a look at that.”

    Price, a fiber optic engineer, said that Democratic City Committee officials have made “no guarantees” to him that there will be a new election. But, he said, they have briefed him on how a rerun would work if the ward leaders order one.

    The election would take place at a time negotiated by Price and Bass, he said, and it would be at the city committee headquarters on Spring Garden Street, not in Mount Airy. Price said he was not informed how votes would be cast.

    “We just want a fair vote. It’s supposed to be one person, one vote,” he said Wednesday. “I hope that we do get our fair shot. I hope that we get transparency and an opportunity to get our voices heard.”

  • National Democratic super PAC steers money into Northeastern Pa. as battle for Congress heats up

    National Democratic super PAC steers money into Northeastern Pa. as battle for Congress heats up

    A race for a key swing district in Northeastern Pennsylvania has caught the eye of a major Democratic super PAC that plans to spend around $50 million on advertising targeting Republican-held seats, according to the New York Times.

    “We’re going to Republican territory and planting a flag,” Bradley Beychok, the president of American Bridge, a Democratic super PAC, said in an interview with the Times. “These Republicans are in a world of hurt.”

    American Bridge is targeting 14 House races, the report said, with a television, radio, streaming, digital, and direct mail advertising blitz focused on economic issues like the cost of living and tariffs.

    That includes the 8th Congressional District, which includes Scranton and Wilkes-Barre. U.S. Rep. Rob Bresnahan, a freshman Republican who narrowly flipped the seat in 2024, will face a challenge in November from Scranton Mayor Paige Cognetti.

    Cognetti, who was unopposed for the Democratic nomination in last month’s primary, has attacked Bresnahan over stock trades he has made since taking office and over cuts to healthcare.

    U.S. Rep. Rob Bresnahan introduced before remarks from President Donald Trump made his first stop on an “economic tour,” in Mt. Pocono Pa., Tuesday, December 9, 2025 .Steven M. Falk / For The Inquirer

    Bresnahan voted for President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which cut Medicaid to help pay for tax cuts, but he was one of a handful of Republicans to vote to restore Affordable Care Act subsidies that lapsed earlier this year.

    “Rob ran for Congress on a promise to ban stock trades,” Cognetti said in an ad launching her campaign. “This year, he’s already made 600 trades — 600.”

    Bresnahan made up 79% of the Pennsylvania delegation’s stock activity reported in 2025, according to Quiver Quantitative. Bresnahan has faced scrutiny over his trades, including offloading $130,000 in Medicaid provider stocks ahead of a House vote on Trump’s bill, as reported by NBC News.

    The lawmaker has stated he does not trade his own stocks.

    “I think you need to know that the trades are being executed on my behalf. I do not have any dialogues with my financial advisers,” Bresnahan said in response to a question during a June 10, 2025, telephone town hall.

    This year’s $50 million spend is the most American Bridge has spent on a midterm election, according to the New York Times, which cited Trump’s falling approval ratings as the reason.

    Bresnahan’s campaign contended that the spending is proof that Cognetti will be beholden to national Democratic Party leaders.

    “Paige Cognetti is and always will be a loyal Democrat establishment shill and the millions of dollars she’s accepting from outside liberal groups make it clear she’s not fighting the machine, she’s a cog in it,” Bresnahan campaign spokesperson Samantha Bullock said in a statement.

    The nonpartisan Cook Political Report has classified the race as a toss-up, which helps explain that national investment.

    “Your opponent’s drowning,” Beychok told the Times. “We need to throw them an anvil.”

    This story has been updated to include a response from Bresnahan’s campaign.

  • Philly progressives made gains in Democratic ward elections. But party chair Bob Brady remains well-positioned for reelection.

    Philly progressives made gains in Democratic ward elections. But party chair Bob Brady remains well-positioned for reelection.

    Former City Councilmember Jannie Blackwell, who has been a fixture of Philadelphia politics for decades, is no longer a Democratic ward leader. State Sen. Sharif Street — weeks after losing the city’s heated congressional race — just became one.

    And the Rev. Lewis Nash Sr., who in 2024 was removed as leader of the 47th Ward after The Inquirer reported he was recorded making anti-LGBTQ+ remarks, has returned to the post after being reelected in his North Philadelphia ward Monday night.

    Meanwhile, the upstart group Wards That Work, which was backed by progressive activists and sought to recruit hundreds of people to run for committee openings in the May 19 Democratic primary, claimed victories in six wards that were previously seen as aligned with the party establishment or more centrist Democrats.

    Despite those notable gains, fewer than one-third of Philadelphia’s 69 Democratic ward leaders are seen as closely aligned with the party’s left wing.

    That means Bob Brady, who has led the local Democratic Party since 1986 and is seen by many as the embodiment of the political old guard, will likely coast to victory in party leadership elections — decided by the ward leaders — next week, securing an 11th term as chair of the Democratic City Committee.

    The party’s internal politics have become a key battleground in the fight between progressive upstarts and the Democratic establishment. There has also been a renewed push to grow the number of “open wards” — those that allow committeepeople to vote on political endorsements rather than allowing ward leaders to decide unilaterally.

    Brady, a former U.S. representative, has over the last few weeks struck a conciliatory tone regarding the party’s left wing after clashing with activists in a series of elections, most notably when the party sought to punish committeepeople who endorsed the elections of Councilmembers Kendra Brooks and Nicolas O’Rourke from the progressive Working Families Party.

    “These labels — Working Families, Reclaim, socialist — the best labels they have that I love is they’re Democrats,” he said in an interview, referring in part to Reclaim Philadelphia, a group inspired by U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders’ presidential runs that organized the local progressive movement’s first successful ward takeovers in 2018.

    Now, he said, he is focused on unity as Democrats hope to make gains in this year’s midterm elections and defeat candidates aligned with President Donald Trump in future elections.

    “We can come together and beat that nut in the White House,” Brady said.

    Philadelphia Democratic Party Chairman Bob Brady (left) and U.S. Sen. Cory Booker (right) listen as Mayor Cherelle L. Parker speaks in support of State Sen. Sharif Street at a get-out-the-vote rally at the Church of Christian Compassion in West Philadelphia Monday, May 18, 2026 the day before Tuesday’s Democratic primary election for the 3rd Congressional District.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer

    Earlier this year, however, Brady acknowledged that the Democratic City Committee funded mailers opposing some of the committeepeople backed by Wards That Work, and many on the left are still hoping for major changes in the local party.

    District Attorney Larry Krasner, for instance, recently called on Brady to resign, and State Rep. Chris Rabb, a democratic socialist who last month won the Democratic primary for an open Philadelphia congressional seat, has emerged as a leading critic.

    Rabb beat Street, the party’s endorsed candidate, in the 3rd Congressional District race, and has accused the city committee of neglecting the work of turning out the vote, instead concerning itself with backroom dealings among party insiders.

    State Rep. Chris Rabb greets supporters on election day. He is arriving to his polling place to vote, Grace Epiphany Episcopal Church, Philadelphia, Tuesday, May 19, 2026.Alejandro A. Alvarez / Staff Photographer

    Rabb has not explicitly called for Brady to resign. But he is now calling for a dramatic overhaul of the party, from its leaders to its bylaws to the city’s antiquated ward boundaries.

    “What I’m asking for is for the ward leaders — whatever candidate is running for chair, whether it’s Bob Brady or anyone else — that they demand that their first order of business is to overhaul the bylaws by Labor Day [to focus] on building a local party built on transparency integrity and inclusion,” Rabb said in an interview last week.

    Progressives make gains

    On paper, Philadelphia’s Democratic Party structure is bottom-up. Every four years, during the primaries of presidential midterm cycles, registered Democrats elect two committeepeople from their precincts, as they did this year on May 19. The committeepeople then elect neighborhood-level ward leaders, and the ward leaders in turn elect the top officials in the city party, including Brady.

    But in practice, many critics of the city’s old guard see a top-down reality, with Brady and other high-ranking city officials controlling the party’s agenda.

    Progressives are hoping to wrest control of the party from the establishment or to force reforms that make it more hospitable to left-leaning candidates. But it remains an uphill battle given the diffuse nature of the party system.

    Among the notable progressive wins in Monday night’s ward elections:

    • 5th Ward (Center City): Ryan Alsayegh, a political consultant currently working for State Reps. Tarik Khan and Joe Hohenstein, unseated Mike Boyle.
    • 25th Ward (Port Richmond, Kensington): Alexandria Mercedes Murphy, a neurophysiologist and volunteer with Reclaim Philadelphia, succeeded Tommy Johnson.
    • 31st Ward (Fishtown, East Kensington): Molly Hartman, a staffer for Councilmember Rue Landau, faced no opponents in her bid to succeed Margaret Rzepski.
    • 27th Ward (University City): Benjamin Moss-Horwitz, a staffer for State Rep. Rick Krajewski, won a contested race to succeed retiring ward leader Carol Jenkins, a party stalwart.
    • 46th Ward (Squirrel Hill, Cedar Park): James Bridgeforth, a University of Delaware professor, ran an uncontested race to succeed Blackwell, who retired this year after defeating a progressive challenger for her ward in a contentious election four years ago.

    In West Philadelphia’s 60th Ward, State Rep. Amen Brown, a centrist Democrat, was unseated by Lorraine White-Johnson.

    White-Johnson, who had the backing of Wards That Work, said in an interview that she is not aligned with one faction and welcomes all Democrats. She added that she plans to explore opening up the ward but has not made formal plans to do so yet.

    Philadelphia City Councilmember Cindy Bass on Thursday, September 11, 2025.Alejandro A. Alvarez / Staff Photographer

    In Mount Airy’s 22nd Ward, Councilmember Cindy Bass declared herself reelected to a new term in a controversial move by saying she won a contested voice vote of committeepeople and denying motions for a roll-call vote that could have clarified the results. Her opponent, Octavius Price, was backed by progressive organizers and said he plans to challenge the election.

    Some notable ward election results did not involve major ideological shifts.

    Nash, who on Tuesday denied having made the anti-LGBTQ+ comments that previously cost him his seat, won a three-way race to reclaim the 47th Ward.

    “I forgive everybody that was involved with those unforeseen circumstances,” Nash said in an interview Tuesday. “To anyone that was offended by the alleged comments, forgive me and the person who made those comments, allegedly and falsely, and let’s move forward.”

    Also in North Philadelphia, Street, a former chair of the Pennsylvania Democratic Party, unseated 11th Ward leader Dwayne Lilley just weeks after losing his congressional bid to Rabb.

    In a statement, Street said he would “take a back-to-basics approach, listening to my neighbors about their concerns and filling vacant committee member seats.”

    “Last month’s election results galvanized my belief that we need to build the party from the ground up,” Street said in a statement. “We need to increase voter turnout in Black communities, like North Philadelphia, by demonstrating every day that Democrats are fighting for them.”

    Staff writer Anna Orso contributed to this article.

  • Councilmember Cindy Bass declared herself the winner of a Philly Democratic ward election — and may have violated party rules

    Councilmember Cindy Bass declared herself the winner of a Philly Democratic ward election — and may have violated party rules

    The meeting lasted only a few minutes.

    City Councilmember Cindy Bass on Monday night was facing a challenge in her bid to be reelected as the Democratic leader of Mount Airy’s 22nd Ward. Her opponent, Octavius Price, had the backing of a well-organized group of progressive activists, many of whom were newly elected as committeepeople in last month’s Democratic primary election.

    As the incumbent, Bass chaired the meeting to determine her own fate as ward leader, and she held a voice vote to determine whether she or Price had more support among the committeepeople assembled at the Germantown Seventh-day Adventist Church.

    A video of the meeting obtained by The Inquirer appears to show a narrowly divided room, with many people saying, “Aye,” in support of both Bass and Price. Attendees cried out for a roll call, in which the committeepeople’s votes would be counted one by one, clarifying which candidate had more support.

    But Bass immediately announced herself the winner, rejected all motions from committeepeople objecting to the vote, and quickly adjourned the meeting, the video shows.

    Bass, a centrist Democrat, narrowly won reelection to her fourth term on Council in 2023 and has clashed with left-leaning activists in her Northwest Philadelphia-based 8th District. A progressive takeover of Bass’ own ward could hinder her reelection chances in next year’s Council election.

    She is now facing accusations that she skirted the party’s procedures for ward reorganization meetings by declaring herself the victor while denying requests for a roll-call vote.

    Democratic City Committee Chair Bob Brady said Monday night that wards can use voice votes for leadership elections, especially when the results are “overwhelming,” such as when an incumbent is running unopposed. But if a committeeperson calls for a roll-call vote to ensure greater accuracy, he said, the request must be honored.

    “You can do a voice vote,“ Brady said in an interview. ”If they do a voice vote and somebody calls for a roll call, you gotta do a roll call.”

    On Monday night, Bass, who has been ward leader since 2018, maintained she had the votes to win another four-year term. But she did not respond to a request for comment on why she ignored requests for a roll call.

    “We had the votes,” she said in an interview. “No matter what I did, some of these people are not going to be happy.”

    She added: “It’s OK. That’s democracy.”

    Ward leaders and committeepeople are the frontline workers of the local party, charged with getting out the vote for Democratic candidates running for everything from Municipal Court to president.

    Fights over control of the city’s 69 Democratic ward leader positions have for years provided flash points in the long-running battles pitting the party establishment against anti-corruption reformers and, more recently, the local progressive movement.

    State Rep. Chris Rabb, a Northwest Philly Democrat whose victory in last month’s primary election for the 3rd Congressional District marked a landmark victory for progressives, on Tuesday linked Bass’ reelection bid to his broader criticisms of the Democratic City Committee.

    “If she ‘wins’ this battle, the Philly Dem Party will lose the war,” Rabb posted on X. “Either it refashions itself around equity, accountability & transparency OR it just withers away election cycle by election cycle while Dem voters statewide suffer because … as Philly goes, so goes PA.”

    Brady, who is expected to be reelected to an 11th term as party chair next week, declined to comment on the result of the 22nd Ward election, but said he expects it will be challenged. Challenges are heard by the party’s contest committee, which is made up of other ward leaders. If Price formally objects, the committee would likely hear the challenge Saturday, Brady said.

    “[Price] would have to notify us that he’s contesting the election, and then we’ll hear from both sides,” Brady said.

    The committee, he said, could declare a winner if members determine the results are clear, or call for a rerun of the election.

    Price, a fiber optic engineer, called Bass’ handling of the election “unjust” and said he plans to file a challenge.

    “I initially ran to be a committeeperson because I believe in democracy and I believe in transparency and fairness,” Price said in a statement following the vote. “This was an example of moral decay and emboldened cruelty and corruption that has made so many people disillusioned with participating in politics.”

    A “vote here” sign outside the polls at Marconi Plaza in South Philadelphia, Pa., on Tuesday., May 19, 2026.Tyger Williams / Staff Photographer

    Another point of contention on Monday was the number of people in the room, which could become a key factor in a contest committee review of the election results because it changes the number of votes needed for a majority.

    Price, whose supporters whipped votes ahead of the meeting, said that by his count at least 26 committeepeople were planning to vote against Bass and for a candidate who, like him, supports “open wards,” which allow committeepeople to vote on political endorsements rather than letting the ward leader decide unilaterally for the entire jurisdiction.

    Price said his supporters counted 48 committeepeople present on Monday evening, meaning he should have had the votes sufficient for a victory.

    But a sign-in sheet at the meeting told a different story.

    The sheet, a photo of which was obtained by The Inquirer, listed 55 committeepeople and appeared to include a tally of their allegiances before the election was even held. Price said ward organizers who appeared to be working with Bass circulated the sheet at the beginning of the meeting. The paper showed 29 for Bass and 26 for “other.”

    “Her sheet has a total of 55 people who voted, but we know for a fact that’s not the case,” he said.

    Former Councilmember Derek S. Green, a 22nd Ward committeeperson who ran against Bass for ward leader in 2018, flirted with running for the post again this year. But he did not end up throwing his hat in the ring, resulting in a one-on-one showdown between Bass and Price.

    Green, who was present Monday night, declined to comment on the election results.

    After Price was nominated during the meeting, Bass launched into the voice vote.

    “All in favor of Octavius Price, signify by saying, ‘Aye,” Bass said. “All in favor of Cindy Bass, signify by saying, ‘Aye.’”

    In the video recording of the meeting, many people can be heard supporting each of the candidates. Even before Bass announced the winner, a participant can be heard saying, “roll call.”

    Bass then said, “In the call of the chair, the ayes have it for Cindy Bass.” The room immediately erupted with objections.

    “No, no, no — you’ve got to have a roll call,” one person said. Others shouted: “Roll call!”

    “There will be no motions accepted on the floor,” Bass said over the commotion. “We’re going to have to adjourn the meeting. There is no point of order. So the motion has been made — that concludes — there is no additional business for the ward tonight. Thank you for coming.”

    The tensions did not end there.

    After the election, participants in the meeting clashed outside the church as a man and a woman holding the sign-in sheet refused to let other committeepeople record their attendance on the form, a separate video reviewed by The Inquirer shows.

    “Y’all got to get back. Better get back,” the man told a crowd pleading to sign the forms. “Shut up!”

    As the man walked away, one person can be heard turning to Green, who was caught in the middle of the fracas.

    “Derek, we just wanted to get our sign-in [on] the sheet. He took it from us,” the man said.

    “I know. That’s why I came,” Green responded. “It’s not right. It’s not right.”

  • What Chris Rabb’s win in Philly could mean for the 2028 Democratic battle to replace John Fetterman

    What Chris Rabb’s win in Philly could mean for the 2028 Democratic battle to replace John Fetterman

    The euphoria at Chris Rabb’s election night party last month hadn’t even started to wane before the democratic socialist and his supporters — dancing and hugging after capturing a rarely open Philadelphia seat in Congress — spoke of setting their sights even higher.

    Taking on the city’s Democratic establishment to defeat a pair of more centrist candidates in the heated 3rd Congressional District race was a momentous win on its own. But the reckoning, they promised, wouldn’t be confined to Philadelphia’s borders.

    “It’s going to change not just our city, but our entire commonwealth,” Rabb said in an interview amid the celebration at a Germantown banquet hall.

    It was a sentiment echoed that night by key figures in Rabb’s coalition — from the head of the Working Families Party to Pittsburgh’s U.S. Rep. Summer Lee, the only other democratic socialist representing a part of Pennsylvania.

    With the 2026 Pennsylvania Democratic primary in the rearview mirror, that conversation has broadly and quickly turned to the next biggest prize in the state: the U.S. Senate seat held by Democrat John Fetterman.

    The senator has not said whether he will run for a second six-year term in 2028. But in an unusual situation for an high-profile elected official, a robust intraparty competition to replace him is expected to start either way in the next year as Fetterman increasingly sides with Republicans and as polls show that his support among Democratic voters has nose-dived.

    State Rep. Chris Rabb is hugged by his son, Issa Rabb, during his primary election night event at Victorian Banquet Hall on May 19.Elizabeth Robertson / Staff Photographer

    Some Democrats who watched Rabb emerge from a competitive race, notching one of the left’s biggest wins yet in Pennsylvania, see an opportunity — one that extends the energy and momentum to boost a well-organized, progressive, anti-establishment candidate in the Senate primary.

    Other strategists and activists say that’s a tall task, particularly in a swing state that rarely strays from electing more centrist politicians statewide.

    “Anytime you have success, it breeds enthusiasm, which translates into more volunteers, into more money — everything you need to run a campaign,” said Mike Mikus, a Pittsburgh-based Democratic strategist. “But every election cycle is different. Every campaign’s different. The quality of candidates are different. And anybody who says that any one race signifies a permanent change within a party is mistaken.”

    ‘A huge impact on the political landscape of Pennsylvania’

    In his campaign to succeed U.S. Rep. Dwight Evans, Rabb, a five-term state lawmaker, won 44% of the vote. He was up against State Sen. Sharif Street, who had the backing of the city Democratic apparatus, and physician Ala Stanford, a political newcomer endorsed by Evans.

    Rabb and others have said his success, in part, was the culmination of a decade of progressive organizing that began in the city after U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders’ 2016 presidential campaign.

    That progressive infrastructure — the coming together of different groups to knock doors, make calls to voters, and unleash a significant independent advertising campaign in a way that rivaled the official Democratic Party organization — is likely the most important way that the left can use the experience of Rabb’s campaign to replicate its success elsewhere, strategists said.

    It’s a template that could have “a huge impact on the political landscape of Pennsylvania,” said Rotimi Adeoye, a Philadelphia-based Democratic strategist who worked in the office of former U.S. Sen. Bob Casey.

    In a district packed with Democratic voters, Rabb’s ability to turn out progressive voters should draw the attention of anyone looking to win the state’s Democratic Senate primary in 2028, Adeoye said.

    “If a Democrat running statewide can learn from some of these organizational groups to build a strong, relational and community-based organizing campaign in Philadelphia and the surrounding suburbs in Montgomery County, Bucks County — they’re going to have a really big chance of winning,” Adeoye said.

    In a sign that those efforts could coalesce around a Senate candidate, one of the groups that helped usher Rabb to victory remains the only major Democratic entity in the state to have publicly started laying the groundwork for a challenge to Fetterman.

    The Working Families Party, which backed Fetterman in the 2022 general election after originally endorsing State Rep. Malcolm Kenyatta in the primary, said in November it would organize an effort to oust him. A “Primary Fetterman” website launched in January is equipped with a “Fetterman sell-out tracker” — highlighting his votes for Trump’s cabinet nominees and opposition to war powers resolutions that would rein in his military strikes, for example — and instructions for donors on how to request a refund from his campaign.

    The website remains the extent of the group’s efforts so far to rally public support and back a new candidate, though its work is expected to pick up after this year’s midterm elections. For now, the party is looking forward to bringing new members who worked to elect Rabb into its fold.

    “Our goal is always to keep building on the work we do each cycle and the success we have each cycle,” said Nick Gavio, the Working Families Party’s Mid-Atlantic communications director.

    One PA, another statewide group in that progressive coalition, has not yet had internal discussions about the Senate race but it supports the Working Families Party’s position as a member of its steering committee, executive director Steve Paul said. He said more than 150 members of One PA mobilized for Rabb by talking to thousands of voters.

    Winning a high-profile congressional race only helps add to that organizational infrastructure, making them “sharper for the next thing,” Paul said.

    “I think it shifts what’s possible, politically — what people can envision,” he said.

    Potential progressive roadblocks

    Mikus said progressives have increasingly surpassed “more establishment Democrats” in their ability to run strong campaigns, including in his area of Western Pennsylvania where candidates like Lee have emerged in the last decade.

    Democratic primary voters are also more progressive than they were 10 years ago, he said. But campaigning on a far-left — or a far-right — platform doesn’t often equate to success on a statewide level in Pennsylvania, a swing state where successful candidates tend to walk a “fine line” that appeals to both swing voters and a message that excites their partisan base, Mikus said.

    “You’ve seen this time after time in presidential elections here in Pennsylvania,” Mikus said. “Hillary Clinton versus Bernie Sanders. Joe Biden versus Bernie Sanders. The vast majority of voters in Pennsylvania will go with the more mainstream Democrat.”

    J.J. Balaban, a Philadelphia-based Democratic strategist and ad maker, said the party runs the risk of “drawing too big of a conclusion” based on a single election — particularly one like Rabb’s where candidates only needed to appeal to Democrats.

    “Democrats really need to think hard about what it will take to win statewide in a purple state, which Pennsylvania clearly is,” Balaban said. “What it will take to win a general election in Pennsylvania is very, very different than what it will take to win in literally the most Democratic congressional district in the country.”

    After recent years of tough losses — including the ousting of Casey by now-U.S. Sen. Dave McCormick, a Republican — Democratic voters will likely have a “tremendous thirst for candidates who have a credible case to make that they can win the general election,” Balaban said.

    Fetterman, whose office did not comment for this story, has insisted that Pennsylvania’s purple state status means he should appeal to both sides of the aisle and not demonize the other side.

    He’s also lamented the direction he sees his party going with candidates like Rabb, particularly around a growing sentiment that Israel has gone too far in its war against Hamas. Fetterman acknowledged last year that his unwavering support of Israel could cost him his Senate seat.

    “Look at the people that are winning the primaries in our party right now, and look at their views on Israel,” Fetterman said at an American Jewish Committee conference in Washington this week.

    On stage with McCormick and the head of the Jewish advocacy organization, Fetterman painted Graham Platner, the expected Democratic nominee for a U.S. Senate seat in Maine, as a “Nazi sympathizer” and connected him to Rabb.

    “People also in our state, too. Rabb, he won, and he ran on being a very, very anti-Israel guy,” Fetterman said. “It’s actually a virtue [in the modern Democratic Party] … It’s heartbreaking for me. And if it isolates me, then so be it.”

    Who might run?

    Of the Democrats widely considered to be eyeing a campaign to replace Fetterman, the public jockeying has so far been limited to criticisms of the incumbent.

    U.S. Rep. Brendan Boyle, a moderate who represents the other half of Philadelphia next to Rabb’s soon-to-be seat, has repeatedly called Fetterman “Trump’s favorite Democrat.”

    Former U.S. Rep. Conor Lamb, a moderate who represented a suburban Pittsburgh district before Fetterman beat him in the 2022 Senate primary, has frequently lambasted him.

    Conor Lamb speaks to the crowd at a town hall-style event organized by progressive groups at Central Penn College on June 22, 2025, in Enola, Pa. Marc Levy

    And U.S. Rep. Chris Deluzio, who succeeded Lamb and leaned into progressive economic populism, has taken a less direct tack while noting the differences between himself and Fetterman over issues like Trump’s military interventions abroad. Deluzio has occasionally reposted others’ criticisms on social media — including one from Gavio, the Working Families Party spokesperson, last week that called Fetterman’s reversal on eliminating the filibuster “a new low” and “an indescribably massive backtrack from everything he ran on.”

    None of the three have ruled out running.

    Boyle is expected to weigh a Senate campaign vs. staying in the House to take a rare opportunity to lead the powerful budget committee if Democrats win the majority in November. Lamb, who’s remained highly active in Pennsylvania politics, said in an interview that he’s hoping to serve again and would run for office if he feels he “can be of service to the state.” Deluzio, who is also heavily involved in helping Democratic candidates across the state, said he’s focused on his reelection this year and that “we’ll see what 2028 holds.”

    “I am not at all interested in seeing us lose this Senate election, and I certainly have gotten a lot of encouragement to look at 2028,” Deluzio said.

    Progressives have also mentioned Lee, the Rabb ally who’s been a vocal member of the leftist wing on Capitol Hill while taking leadership roles in areas like securing the release of the Jeffrey Epstein files.

    U.S. Reps. Summer Lee and Chris Deluzio, both Pittsburgh-area Democrats, speak outside the Moshannon Valley Processing Center in Clearfield County on May 28 after getting a tour of the facility, the largest detention center for undocumented immigrants in the Northeast.Sam Janesch / Staff

    With potential candidates still several months away from making their decisions, it’s unclear who might try to take up the progressive mantle if Lee does not run, strategists say.

    The field could also grow considerably. Other potential candidates could jump in, including the three other current Pennsylvania Democrats in Congress or former lawmakers like Susan Wild, who lost a swing congressional district in the Lehigh Valley in 2024. Wild said she’s “not ruling out” a run but she’s more interested in thinking about good female candidates in general since no woman has ever won a Pennsylvania U.S. Senate seat.

    On the prospects of a battle between different factions of the party, Lamb said he believed Democrats had broadly learned a lesson — from Fetterman’s election in 2022, where he ran on being a reliable Democratic vote in the Senate — that was beyond ideological policy tests.

    “Fetterman taught Democrats in Pennsylvania that you have to have a character test. Anybody can run around the state promising you these further left solutions, and that they’re going to be a thumb in the eye of the establishment, and they’re going to channel all your anger and dissatisfaction. And then that person can turn on you on a dime,” Lamb said. “The fact is that we have to evaluate our candidates based on whether they have integrity and they’re going to keep their word and, honestly, whether they have the work ethic to be a senator day in, day out.”