LOS ANGELES — Rob Reiner’s son Nick Reiner is seeking unpaid money from a trust his parents established for him, saying he needs it to help in his defense against charges that he killed them.
A petition filed by the 32-year-old Nick Reiner’s civil attorneys in a Los Angeles County court on Monday says that trustees overseeing the funds have denied them to him without legal justification, and he needs and should get them now.
“Nick loved his parents, and he is devastated by their deaths. But the facts about what did and did not happen to them are not at issue in this Trust litigation,” the petition says. “Like anyone accused of a crime, Nick is presumed innocent, and he is entitled to mount his defense with the resources that are lawfully his own.”
The director and Hollywood luminary Rob Reiner and his wife, photographer and producer Michele Singer Reiner, were stabbed to death in their home in the upscale Brentwood section of Los Angeles on Dec. 14. Nick Reiner was arrested hours later and has since pleaded not guilty to two counts of murder.
Reiner retained high-profile private lawyer Alan Jackson to represent him, but less than a month later Jackson left the case for reasons he said he couldn’t share. The new filing reveals that Reiner’s siblings, Jake and Romy Reiner, had initially agreed to pay for Jackson, but reversed course.
In a declaration included with the petition, Jackson said “my firm stands ready, willing, and able to resume representation of Mr. Reiner” if the funds become available.
The filing says that apart from the larger Reiner family trust, which is not at issue, Rob and Michele Reiner established smaller individual trusts for Nick Reiner and his siblings. It says they left “unambiguous instructions” in Nick Reiner’s trust, established in 1993, that he was to receive half its money when he turned 30 and the rest at 35.
But, the filing says, Reiner never received the funds he was entitled to at 30, and that the trustee overseeing them since February — attorney Paul R. Kanin — has given “a shifting series of excuses and justifications” to deny Reiner the money, including concerns about Reiner’s competence that have no bearing on a payout that is mandatory.
Reiner says he should also get the money he was to receive at 35 immediately because his defense and his need for basic necessities in jail require it.
The petition says the trust has at least $1.5 million in assets, but that Kanin will not share the exact amount of its value.
Kanin did not immediately respond to an after-hours email seeking comment.
Proceedings in Reiner’s murder case are moving slowly. He is scheduled to return to court for a pretrial hearing in September. He is eligible for the death penalty, but District Attorney Nathan Hochman has said his office has not yet decided whether to seek it.
Authorities have said nothing about possible motives, and leaks in the case have been virtually nonexistent on both sides. A court order has kept most details of the autopsies secret. Many of the most basic questions about the killings remain unanswered publicly.
On the day he left the case, Jackson, speaking outside court, declared adamantly that “pursuant to the laws of California, Nick Reiner is not guilty of murder.”
In April, Jake Reiner gave his first detailed account of the experience of losing his parents and having his brother at the center of it, calling it “a living nightmare” that is “too devastating to comprehend.”
Rob Reiner was a prolific director whose work included some of the most memorable and endlessly watchable movies of the 1980s and ’90s. His credits included This Is Spinal Tap, Stand By Me, A Few Good Men, and When Harry Met Sally… , during the production of which he met photographer Michele Singer. They wed soon after and were married for 36 years.
A study commissioned by President Joe Biden’s administration to investigate alcohol-related health harms was released independently on Tuesday, after President Donald Trump’s administration decided not to feature the researchers’ findings in new dietary guidelines as it faced pushback from the alcohol industry and a congressional committee.
The findings of the study, in the Journal of Studies on Alcohol and Drugs, were in line with years of research, saying that health risks go up with just one drink a day and no level of alcohol has a protective effect on mortality. Even levels considered “moderate” raise the risk of premature death and more than 200 diseases, including heart disease and cancer, researchers found.
The new study was one of two government reviews meant to help inform the new dietary guidelines. Released earlier this year, the guidelines advised consuming “less alcohol for better overall health.” The authors of the independently released study say that didn’t provide detailed practical advice about the risks of drinking.
Robert Vincent, a former Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration alcohol policy official who led the yearslong effort, made the accusations in an editorial published alongside the study. Vincent was laid off last year as part of a government reduction in force.
“The challenges confronting alcohol policy today are not rooted in scientific uncertainty,” Vincent wrote. “What remains contested is whether evidence will meaningfully inform policy when it conflicts with commercial interests.”
The dispute over the study underscored the increasingly tense relations between the medical and scientific community and the Trump administration, which has questioned or ignored longstanding science in its policymaking, fired a slew of veteran scientists from the federal workforce, and cut scientific grants that proponents say help keep the U.S. at the forefront of medical innovation.
Industry and congressional Republicans pushed back
After the study’s researchers released a draft report last year, the alcohol industry mobilized against it, launching campaigns to discredit its work. The House oversight committee also criticized the study, releasing a report earlier this year that called it “fraught with bias” and accused the study authors of having predetermined conclusions based on their past research and affiliations.
Emily Hilliard, a spokesperson for the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, denied any notion that the study wasn’t considered.
HHS and the U.S. Department of Agriculture “reviewed the study alongside the broader body of available scientific evidence and followed the established process for developing the 2025–2030 Dietary Guidelines for Americans,” she said. “The Guidelines are informed by the totality of the scientific record, not any single report or analysis.”
Vincent told the Associated Press in an interview that the researchers were thoroughly vetted for conflicts and the findings were scientifically sound. He said that while he was in the Trump administration, he was “asked to kill the study” but did not. HHS didn’t immediately respond to that claim. The department said the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration wasn’t involved in the review or the clearance of the study for publication.
Amanda Berger, senior vice president of science and research for the alcohol trade association the Distilled Spirits Council of the United States, said in an email to the AP that the congressional committee’s findings showed the study was “irretrievably flawed.”
Findings support more forceful alcohol intake recommendation
The Trump administration earlier this year released new dietary guidelines that advised consuming “less alcohol for better overall health.” The researchers said that they don’t dispute that advice but that their findings support a more detailed and forceful recommendation that current adult drinkers consume one drink or fewer a day.
“I’m glad that they had a message that corresponds with our science, and that is that less is best,” said Timothy Naimi, director of the University of Victoria’s Canadian Institute for Substance Use Research and one of the study’s authors. “But giving people quantity information is necessary to make a truly informative guideline.”
The study differed from the other research commissioned by the government to help inform the dietary guidelines on the issue, which said moderate alcohol use was associated with a decreased risk of mortality from all causes but also an increased risk of some diseases.
Priscilla Martinez-Matyszczyk, one of the authors of the new study and a deputy scientific director at the Public Health Institute’s Alcohol Research Group, said their study didn’t look at mortality from all causes but instead examined mortality specifically attributed to alcohol to avoid confounding factors.
Martinez-Matyszczyk also addressed an issue raised by Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services Administrator Mehmet Oz in his explanations of the new guidelines: that drinking is “a social lubricant that brings people together” and that even though not drinking is preferred, being social has health benefits.
“I don’t know of any studies that have teased out the social effect from the health effect,” she said.
Research aligns with other recent findings
The new findings are “in line with the latest science that basically shows less is better when it comes to health,” Naimi said.
For example, a 2019 study in Lancet found that moderate drinking slightly raised the risk of stroke and high blood pressure and offered no protective effects on health.
Moderate drinking was once thought to have benefits for the heart, but better research methods have thrown cold water on that idea. Older studies compared groups of people by how much they drink instead of randomly assigning people to drink or not, so they couldn’t prove cause and effect. When researchers adjusted for things like education levels, income, and healthcare access, the benefits tended to disappear.
About half of Americans age 12 or older had a drink in the past month, researchers said, making it the most commonly used addictive substance in the U.S. One drink is the equivalent of about one 12-ounce can of beer, a 5-ounce glass of wine or a shot of liquor.
WASHINGTON — For President Donald Trump, any Democratic election victory is suspicious on its face. Even, apparently, in one of the most liberal cities in America.
“Not possible for Spencer Pratt to have lost the L.A. runoffs after the big lead he had,” Trump wrote on social media on Monday. “3rd World Nation.”
On election night last Tuesday, Pratt — the reality-television personality and Trump-endorsed Republican — led progressive City Council member Nithya Raman for second place to advance to November’s mayoral runoff, behind the incumbent, Mayor Karen Bass, who is also a Democrat.
But as election officials spent the following week counting late-arriving mail ballots, which were disproportionately from Democrats, Raman edged ahead of Pratt. On Monday evening, the Associated Press said she had indeed prevailed.
Such fleeting Republican leads are common enough to have a name — the “red mirage” — yet Trump, as he did in his own 2020 loss, cast the slow count as proof of theft. By baselessly framing Raman’s rise as a Democratic scam, Trump extended his long-running project to erode public faith in elections — and gave an unusually clear preview of how he could greet any disappointing results for his party in November, when control of Congress is at stake.
He has been anything but subtle about his desire to limit the ability of Democrats to vote by mail, implying, with no evidence, that simply choosing that widely used means of casting a ballot is inherently suspect. Addressing a gathering of Republican lawmakers in March, he said the way to hold their majority was to pass a strict voter identification law cracking down on mail ballots.
“It’ll guarantee the midterms,” he told them, warning that failure would bring “big trouble.”
Privately, according to one senior adviser, he has pressed aides to find ways to “stop them stealing it from us.”
What is striking so far is how little of this has survived contact with reality. Voting legislation he has championed, the SAVE Act, cleared the House but stalled in the Senate, where Republicans lack the votes to break a Democratic filibuster. Among other things, the bill would require proof of U.S. citizenship to register to vote and would compel states to share voter rolls with the federal government.
An executive order he signed in March directing the Department of Homeland Security to assemble a federal list of eligible voters and barring the Postal Service from delivering mail ballots to anyone left off it was condemned by election experts as illegal and drew multiple lawsuits.
Still, even if Trump fails to change election laws or processes, he can sow substantial chaos simply by trying to convince voters that the results were fraudulent.
More than five years after his supporters, fueled by lies about a stolen election, stormed the Capitol to stop the transfer of power, Trump has tried to recast Jan. 6, 2021, as a day of “peace,” claiming his supporters were led astray by FBI officers in a false-flag operation. He has produced no credible evidence, yet he has pardoned rioters who breached the Capitol and has entertained paying restitution to some of them, over the objections of even some in his own party.
His fraud claims about California could matter especially in November. The House majority rests on a thin margin, with Republicans holding 218 seats to Democrats’ 213. After California voters approved Proposition 50 in November — a constitutional amendment pushed by Gov. Gavin Newsom to permit a redrawing of the state’s congressional map — Democrats have a chance to flip as many as five Republican-held seats, potentially enough to take the chamber.
Many of those seats lie in the same Central Valley and Orange County districts whose ballots take days or weeks to tally. In other words, the races that may decide control of Congress could be counted in precisely the slow way Trump reflexively calls fraud. Elon Musk has amplified the message, arguing that the combination of no voter ID and mail-in ballots amounts to legalized fraud.
Trump has leveled the same accusation at California’s governor’s race, in which Republican Steve Hilton is fighting for the second spot that would set up a November runoff against Democrat Xavier Becerra.
After complaining about “rigged elections” in his Monday social media post, the president added: “Now they’ll be working on great guy Steve Hilton. Won’t have results for, possibly, TWO WEEKS, according to officials.”
This year, California had an unusually competitive primary election for governor, driving up turnout and raising the stakes of the statewide count. To add to the issue, many Democrats waited to return their mail ballots as the field shifted and as some were concerned that Democrats could get locked out of the top two spots.
Asked whether Trump had any evidence to support his claims that the California elections were being rigged, Abigail Jackson, a White House spokesperson, said he was “committed to ensuring that Americans have full confidence in the administration of our elections.” That pledge, she added, is “why millions of Americans sent him back to the White House,” adding that Trump would implement measures to “secure our elections for generations to come.”
During his losing 2020 campaign, Trump repeatedly made baseless claims that mail-in voting was rife with fraud. In that election, Democrats, many of whom were strictly adhering to pandemic protocols, were much more likely to vote by mail than Republicans, who tended to prefer to vote in person on Election Day — a partisan divide that persists today. Yet Trump’s crusade against mail-in votes that year alarmed Republican legislative leaders, who privately tried explaining to him that many of the party’s own voters were older and cast ballots that way.
Several states took days to finish counting mail-in ballots in 2020. In Pennsylvania, Joe Biden’s share of the vote grew each day, eventually allowing him to overtake Trump in the state and win the election.
Since 2020, many states have made significant investments to speed up their abilities to count mail-in votes quickly. In California, however, it is still common for it to take days or even weeks before enough votes have been counted for news organizations to declare a winner.
This year’s election in California was primed to create even more of a red mirage effect than normal. Facing late upheaval in the governor’s contest after the departure from the race of Eric Swalwell, a member of Congress at the time, many Democrats waited until the last minute to return their ballots. That meant that the first ballots to be counted and reported were more Republican than normal, and the ballots reported after Election Day have been even more Democratic than is typical.
Paul Mitchell, vice president of Political Data Inc. in Sacramento and an expert in California voter turnout, said his firm’s data showed that the share of Democratic voters’ ballots being processed has far outpaced the share of Republican ballots in recent days, and that the distance had widened.
California sends every regular voter a mail ballot that can be returned at their convenience. It gives a weeklong grace period for ballots to arrive as long as they are postmarked by Election Day. The state allows voters registered at old addresses or those not registered at all to fill out provisional ballots that become valid if election officials verify their information and deem them eligible. And it allows voters with mismatched signatures on file to resolve discrepancies once they are detected.
All of those provisions make voting easier for residents in California than in many other states, but they add various checkpoints in the system to ensure security, each of which costs time.
“In California and Los Angeles, we have our election laws written in a way that maximizes participation,” said Mike Sanchez, a spokesperson for the Los Angeles County registrar of voters.
Mitchell, who is a Democratic consultant, said that, paradoxically, the most effective way to speed up California’s count would be to eliminate security protocols, like cutting ballot signature verification or checks on voter registration for provisional voters.
“I don’t think Republicans would want that,” he said.
Other election experts said California suffered from logistical problems. Each of California’s 58 counties is responsible for running its own election, and many lack sufficient resources to verify mail ballots and count votes quickly. They may not have enough workers, space, or machines to process ballots in quick order.
State lawmakers passed at least three bills last year designed to speed up the count, but the changes seemed to have marginal effect, given where things stood on Monday, with only about three-quarters of the ballots counted six days after the election.
The bills shortened the deadline to finish counting most ballots, to 13 days from 30 days. They also allowed election officials to begin processing ballots earlier than before and required slightly more frequent updates of results.
But elections are largely county-funded, and most of California’s counties lack the resources to keep staff on constant rotation, said Kim Alexander, who runs the nonpartisan California Voter Foundation.
“We expect our counties to provide all these services to facilitate elections, and the state and federal governments aren’t paying their fair share of the cost,” she said.
He called himself “the Beast,” and he killed six people in six months.
Several of his victims were retail store workers who gave up cash or goods during robberies, and he decided to shoot them anyway. One of the victims was his mother — he shot her at her office because he wanted the payout from her life insurance policy.
On Tuesday, Keith Gibson, 44, was delivered a measure of accountability for his killing spree — one of the worst in recent city history — when a jury convicted him of four counts of first-degree murder and related crimes for the killings he committed in the city in 2021.
He was immediately ordered to serve four consecutive life sentences in prison. That’s on top of the seven life sentences he had already been handed for two murders and a string of robberies he committed in Delaware.
The case attracted attention when the crimes happened five years ago, in part because some of Gibson’s targets were compliant and effectively defenseless when he shot them. In one murder, at a Dunkin’ store in Fairhill, surveillance video showed an employee speaking with Gibson for several minutes and handing him cash before he shot her in the head and left her for dead.
Surveillance video showed Keith Gibson inside the Dunkin’ before he shot and killed Christine Lugo in June 2021. Courtesy of Philadelphia police
Assistant District Attorneys Jeffrey Hojnowski and Katie Wood called Gibson’s crimes despicable.
“These were regular, ordinary people, fellow Philadelphians going about their business, trying to work, and they were gunned down callously, needlessly,” Hojnowski said. “This was never about the money. This is about control. This is about dominance.”
The case also stood out because of questions about why Gibson had been free to kill in the first place. In April 2021, he was jailed in Delaware for a probation violation, and a probation officer told a judge that police considered Gibson a suspect in his mother’s killing. But the judge ordered Gibson released, and in the weeks after, he went on to kill three more people.
The weeklong trial that led to his conviction in Philadelphia relied heavily on surveillance video and ballistics evidence. Testing showed that Gibson had used the same revolver in every crime, and officers in Wilmington found the gun as they arrested him for robbing a Rite Aid store.
A former friend, Amanda Masteller, took the stand and testified that Gibson, who she said referred to himself as “the Beast,” carried that revolver everywhere — including into her house and around her children when she let him stay in a spare room from time to time.
She wanted to tell him to stop coming over, she said, but the gun and his aggressive demeanor left her afraid of what might happen if she did so.
“I was petrified of this man,” she said.
Gibson’s crimes
Gibson’s killing spree began Jan. 28, 2021, at Al-Madinah Traders store in Germantown. There, he rummaged through the shop and stole several watches. He forced employees Roy Caban and Eric Flores into a back room, where he shot Flores in the head and Caban in the back as he tried to flee.
The following week, Gibson set out after his own mother.
Christine Gibson, 54, was shot and killed by her son, Keith Gibson, in February 2021. She worked as the director of a mental health program at a community center in East Falls.Courtesy of David Thornton
Christine Gibson, 54, told family members she was afraid of her son and wanted him to move out of her North Philadelphia home. And, prosecutors said, she had made plans to remove him as the beneficiary of her life insurance policy.
On the morning of Feb. 8, Keith Gibson accompanied her to the United Peers Community Center in East Falls, where she worked as the director of a mental health counseling program. Once inside, he took her to a small office room in the rear of the building and shot her in the back of the head. Her body was found two days later.
Soon after, probation officials in Delaware sought to have Gibson held in jail, filing paperwork saying he was a suspect in his mother’s killing and that violated the terms of his probation from a 2010 manslaughter conviction.
But Superior Court Judge Vivian L. Medinilla declined to extend Gibson’s time in custody. He was released in late April.
A few weeks later, in late May, Gibson robbed an AT&T store in Elsmere, Del., of cash and phones, and shot and killed the store attendant before stealing her car.
And in early June, his crimes continued in Philadelphia.
Surveillance video played at trial showed Gibson wandering the city on foot before dawn on June 5. After leaving his house on the 2700 block of North Croskey Street at 4:25 a.m., evidence showed, Gibson walked about a mile and a half to the Dunkin’ at Fifth Street and Lehigh Avenue.
Christine Lugo was unlocking the store to start her shift when Gibson walked over to her with his gun and shoved her inside.
Christine Lugo was killed during a robbery at the Dunkin at 532 W Lehigh Ave. on June 5, 2021.
Cameras from inside the store captured the lengthy encounter. Lugo did not appear to panic, and was not aggressive toward Gibson. Instead, she could be seen shrugging at times and showing Gibson her wallet, as if to suggest she didn’t have anything for him to take.
Eventually, she sat down on a chair in a closet-size office and gave Gibson about $300 from the cash register trays.
Gibson then glanced at his watch, shot Lugo in the head, and walked out.
Later that day, he went to Wilmington, where he shot and killed Ronald Wright, 42, during a robbery.
His string of crimes began to unravel there three days later, when he robbed a Wilmington Rite Aid and stole a bag of cash — with a tracking device inside. Police quickly arrested him with a revolver behind a rowhouse. Ballistics tests later showed the same gun had been used at Al-Madinah Traders and in the killings of Gibson and Lugo.
Tips from the public identifying him in surveillance footage then bolstered the investigation. After Lugo was killed, police released some footage from the incident to try to identify a suspect. Masteller — his former friend from Delaware — said she saw it and called to tell police the man in the video was Gibson.
Gibson’s attorneys, Jonathan Strange and Brian Johnson of the Defender Association, said homicide detectives rushed to tie Gibson to other crimes as a means of closing old, unsolved cases. They failed to collect or test certain evidence, Johnson said, including surveillance video and DNA in some of the cases.
“The police had to take the easy way out,” he said.
Following his convictions, Gibson, in a lengthy ramble, said he was not happy with his legal representation and intended to appeal his convictions. He was not guilty, he said. And he only briefly addressed his victims’ families, saying: “I’m extremely sorry for your loss.”
It brought no comfort to the loved ones of his victims who had filled the courtroom throughout the trial.
Lugo’s children, Frances Rodriguez and Christian Lugo, said the disturbing video of their mother’s death will remain etched in their memories. Still, as prosecutors played it several times, they stayed to watch.
Left to right: Frances Rodriguez, Christine Lugo, Christian Lugo, and another family member celebrate Christmas.Courtesy of Frances
“I didn’t want my mom to be alone,” said Rodriguez, 27. “She already had to experience it alone already.”
Lugo, originally from Massachusetts, had a vibrant laugh and believed fiercely in giving people second chances, they said. She had two children and three grandchildren.
Also in the courtroom Tuesday were members of Gibson’s family, who had spent years praying he would be held accountable for killing his mother.
David Thornton, 68, said his nephew stole the golden years of his sister’s life.
Christine Gibson overcame years of addiction, he said, and went on to earn a master’s in sociology from Widener, bought a house in Philly, and was working a job she loved. She was strong, outgoing, and full of joy.
She had told Thornton she was afraid of her son, he said, but did not want to call the police.
“She’d say, ‘That’s my son,’” Thornton said. “That was her only child.”
They never imagined it would come to this.
“Some things,” he said, “are not meant to be understood.”
For almost a decade, consumer and civil rights advocates have urged New Jersey lawmakers to bar companies from basing car insurance rates on socioeconomic factors they deem discriminatory and that have nothing to do with driving — things like credit history, marital status, education level, occupation, and zip code.
They renewed their plea Monday, when the Senate’s commerce committee called up a long-stalled bill for consideration — its third committee hearing since it was first introduced in 2018. The bill’s supporters expressed frustration with the legislative inaction, with Danielle Combs of the NAACP’s New Jersey state conference calling insurers’ practice “thinly veiled discrimination.”
“This proposed law is about more than car insurance rates. It’s about justice. It’s about dismantling systems that quietly but powerfully keep our communities at a disadvantage,” Combs said. “When a single mother in Newark, Trenton, or Camden has to pay double what someone in a wealthier suburb pays for the same coverage and the same driving record, that is not fair, that is not equal, and that is not acceptable.”
The latest hearing comes seven months after the NAACP, Latino Action Network, and the Latino Coalition of New Jersey sued the state to compel change. A judge agreed in April to stay the case until October so the state Department of Banking and Insurance can review the issues. It also comes as car insurance premiums in New Jersey have soared since the pandemic, a trend critics say has fueled a spike in uninsured motorists amid broader affordability concerns.
But while the Senate panel’s chair, Sen. Joseph Lagana (D-Bergen), conceded that using socioeconomic factors to set insurance rates could have “a discriminatory impact,” the committee did not act on the bill.
Four insurance industry insiders testified against the bill, and several other business groups also registered their opposition. Lagana pointed to their objections as evidence the legislation needs more work before seeing a vote.
“We have to figure out how to balance the two and what should be the policy, to make sure that people are not disproportionately impacted by something that may be a legitimate rating tool,” Lagana said. “And that’s a very fine needle to thread.”
Industry lobbyists insisted socioeconomic factors predict risk, are not discriminatory, and are an “actuarially justifiable” variable upon which they can set premiums predictive of loss.
“The bill before you today does not ban discrimination. New Jersey law already does that. The bill before you today bans accuracy,” said George McNab of the National Association of Mutual Insurance Companies.
Gary La Spisa of the Insurance Council of New Jersey defended the industry’s use of socioeconomic factors in setting rates, saying they’re overseen by the Department of Banking and Insurance and every premium increase must be justified to get approval.
Barring any consideration of socioeconomic factors would force insurers to assume that drivers with different levels of risk represent the same risk, McNab added.
“The inevitable result is a one-size-fits-all pricing that is neither scientifically sound nor fair to New Jersey consumers,” he said. “Riskier drivers would become harder to identify and would pay less than they should, while many responsible drivers will be asked to subsidize those higher risks.”
But Javier Robles, president of Latino Action Network, pushed back on that argument. He reminded the panel that about a quarter of New Jersey’s labor force is Latino, and half of those workers hold blue-collar jobs.
“When New Jersey allows insurance to charge higher rates based on education or job title, it punishes the very people who make New Jersey work. A home health aide shouldn’t pay more than a health care executive with the same driving record. That’s not risk-based pricing. That’s bias, plain and simple,” Robles said.
Basing rates on socioeconomic factors has unintended consequences, Consumer Reports’ Chuck Bell noted, saying Garden State drivers with poor credit face higher surcharges than people convicted of drunk driving.
“Somebody who does one of the most dangerous things you can do on the road is charged less than somebody with poor credit,” Bell told the panel. “People who live in lower-income neighborhoods are getting multiple gut punches because of the use of these factors, education, occupation, and credit history, and it’s really time to take action.”
That’s especially true because a person’s credit score could dip because of things outside their control, such as a layoff or medical emergency, added John Harmon of the African American Chamber of Commerce of New Jersey.
The bill’s supporters noted that other states including New York have banned socioeconomic factors in premium determinations and yet “the auto insurers continue to do business,” as Beverly Brown Ruggia of New Jersey Citizen Action put it.
Lagana assured supporters and critics alike that bill sponsor Sen. Teresa Ruiz (D-Essex) would use their testimony to tweak the bill. Ruiz did not respond to a request for comment.
The bill passed the full Senate in 2019 and 2021 but didn’t advance at all in the last two legislative sessions and has never moved in the Assembly.
The World Cup officially lands in Philly on June 14, when the Ivory Coast takes on Ecuador at the temporarily-renamed Philadelphia Stadium (aka Lincoln Financial Field) in South Philly, with five more games to follow.
But let’s be real: Getting into a match is going to be difficult. And besides, nothing screams Philly more than taking in a game at a local bar alongside strangers and Citywides that will give you the courage to cheer even louder.
Here are 19 bars in Philly and the suburbs that are going all-in on the World Cup, including four planning to be open until 4 a.m. for late-night matches.
🍺 Bars allowed to stay open until 4 a.m.
Earlier this year, Gov. Josh Shapiro signed a bill into law permitting Philly bars to stay open until 4 a.m. for the duration of the World Cup. Just over 50 bars in the city thus far are eligible to apply for a permit to stay open that late, according to a list from the City of Philadelphia, and several told The Inquirer that extending their hours just wasn’t worth it.
On the eve of the World Cup, several bars were still waiting to get permit approval to stay open late.
These are four spots that plan to be open until 4 a.m. in Philly, from a bowling alley to a Latin American club-staurant.
The bar at Cavanaugh’s Rittenhouse, 1941 Sansom St., on Aug. 31, 2022.MICHAEL KLEIN / Staff
While Cavanaugh’s Headhouse location has a rep among Newcastle United and Liverpool fans as a solid bar for soccer matches, the sports bar’s Rittenhouse location is the one that will be open until 4 a.m. during the World Cup. Cav’s will be serving daily drinks and food specials, and is one of more than 20 bars participating in the Crawl for the Cup, a citywide World Cup-themed bar crawl, including a scavenger hunt, on June 20.
The World Cup is practically a 24 / 7 event at Mamajuana. The Latin American Northern Liberties club-staurant will be staying open until 4 a.m. on match days while also hosting Sunday brunches and watch parties for 10 games from June 13 through July 19. The club’s World Cup special promises mascot appearances, daily food specials, and limited-edition cocktails, such as the Golden Cup, an old-fashioned served in a gold globe-shaped goblet. A full schedule can be found on Mamajuana’s Instagram.
This lively Hunting Park institution will be open until 4 a.m. during the World Cup to broadcast games in its downstairs bar and upstairs night club. Tierra Colombiana’s menu spans Latin America, which means you can have arepas while Colombia plays, ceviche during Ecuador’s matches, and extra large mojitos all tournament long.
Soccer at a bowling alley? That’s literally the vibe at Oregon Avenue’s South Bowl, a bowling alley and bar (with an outdoor lounge) that is staying open until 4 a.m. to broadcast the following matches: Australia vs. Turkey on June 14, Austria vs. Jordan on June 17, and Tunisia vs. Japan on June 21. Games will play on the screens above each lane, which means there’s the potential to land a strike while watching pro athletes score goals.
If the 4 a.m. crowd isn’t your speed, these 10 Philly bars are hosting World Cup watch parties that don’t skimp on the fun — even if they aren’t going all night long.
Scenes from the opening night of Bok Bar — initially called Le Bok Fin — in 2015.Michelle Gustafson
The Black Taxi
This Irish pub in Fairmount has long been a host for English Premier League matches, at one point even displaying the trophy for an afternoon of photo ops. Roughly a half-mile from the FIFA Fan Fest at Lemon Hill, this is the spot to take in a game with a perfect pour of Guinness.
📍 745-747 N. 25th St., 📞 215-232-1086, 🌐 theblacktaxi.com
All of Philly’s tournament matches will be simulcast on screen’s atop Philly’s most famous rooftop bar, which is hosting Puyero Venezulean Flavor for a monthlong food pop-up in June that includes arepas, empanadas, and bite-sized churros. Where else can you see the lights from the Linc — I mean, Philadelphia Stadium — twinkle in distance during a knockout game on July 4?
The crowd at Brauhaus Schmitz in Philadelphia cheers USA’s first goal against the Netherlands in the World Cup on Dec. 3, 2022.Tyger Williams / Staff Photographer
Bella Vista’s sprawling German biergarten is taking the party to the streets, closing down the block for free outdoor watch parties for matches on June 25, June 27, July 3, July 4, and July 19. Games will be broadcast on 20-foot-tall TVs in the middle of South Street, while indoors will feature 34 beers on tap, surprise giveaways, and burgers with novelty soccer ball pretzel buns. And on non-block party days, Brauhaus Schmitz will be still be airing World Cup matches indoors.
This Brazilian sports bar in Northeast Philly is the place to be for fans of team Brazil and is hosting not one, but two lively watch parties during the team’s match against Morocco on June 13 and Haiti on June 19. And if you’re only there for the vibes, Guanabara has a rooftop, three types of caipirinhas, and Brazilian-style cheesesteaks.
Known for its supremely satisfying smashburger, this neighborhood bar with a French twist has big plans for the Group Stage. Good King Tavern will open daily starting at 3 p.m. with an extended happy hour that features mini cocktails and street food-style snacks. Its upstairs wine bar, Le Caveau, will also be getting in on the action, which means you can sip a draft negroni and nosh on a fancy hot dog while watching your team of choice.
A bar where you can play 18-holes of mini golf between matches? Sign us up. Libertee Grounds will be gamifying its World Cup watch parties with the Pitch Passport, a punch card that rewards guest for watching every game at the bar-slash-indoor-mini-golf-course. How it works: Earn a punch for each nation when you a watch a match, which are redeemable for rewards such as a free beer, mini golf passes, or a lifetime membership. Drink specials will also be available.
This Chinatown sports bar is committed to soccer year-round, airing everything from Premier League matches to La Liga games on its 35 TVs. Expect the World Cup to be no different. Lion Sports Bar will be airing all matches at its original location and taking over Yamitsuki Ramen across the street for a ticketed open bar and buffet. Also available at both locations: a signature World Cup pink margarita garnished with collectible Lionel Messi stickers.
This longstanding Irish Pub in Center City is the official home of Philly’s Chelsea FC and Manchester City FC clubs, so you can expect that it will be a hub for World Cup games. The bar will air all 104 matches (with the sound on!) across 14 TVs and two projectors. Weeks one and two of the tournament are bringing specials on Michelob Ultra and Stella Artois, plus a ticket giveaway on June 13 for a future match.
The real fun at this rowdy, double-decker sports bar comes during the USMNT’s matches against Paraguay on June 12, Australia on June 19, and Turkey on June 25. The American Outlaws — the official support group for Team USA — will be taking over Top Tomato during those games for block parties with a live DJ that are open to all, no RSVP required.
The newly renovated (and re-christened) Stateside Live! now includes a rooftop bar and beer garden. Just steps away from the action at Philadelphia Stadium, what will it offer soccer fans? The entertainment complex is hosting the official World Cup pregame for ticketholders. A match ticket and $50 will get you expedited entry and access to a tailgate with a food voucher, while $175 buys a spot at a prematch buffet with cheesesteaks, roast pork sandwiches, and open bar.
Stateside Live! will also be open to the general public during all six of Philly’s World Cup games. Matches will be simulcast on the venue’s new outdoor stage alongside a selection of food trucks.
But if you’re looking to keep it extra local during the World Cup, these bars in the Philly suburbs are going above and beyond for the World Cup, from erecting a pop-up beer garden to brewing a special IPA.
The Landing Kitchen, an all-day cafe created by Nicholas Elmi and Fia Berisha at the riverside redevelopment of the Pencoyd Ironworks on July 10, 2021.CHARLES FOX / Staff Photographer
Located in Bala Cynwyd, just across the Pencoyd Bridge from Manayunk, this all-day riverside cafe with a family friendly vibe will be broadcasting all quarterfinal, semifinal, and finals matches outdoors on a 164-inch screen. Chef Nicholas Elmi will be firing up a smoker for barbecue specials during the games, and guests are strongly encouraged to play bocce or relax at a fire pit during halftime.
Named one of the 10 best bars for watching soccer in the U.S. by the Men in Blazers, Bucks County’s Villa Capri is one of the only bars in the Philadelphia suburbs that has committed to airing all 104 World Cup matches — with the sound on. The Doylestown bar is also rolling a limited-edition cocktail menu for the tournament that includes drinks such as the $14 Equalizer margarita, which comes in passionfruit, pineapple, strawberry, or pomegranate.
This haunt for West Chester University students already has a reputation in Chester County as a Liverpool bar that airs Philadelphia Union games. During the World Cup, Kildare’s is going all in on USMNT. The bar will be shutting down a portion of Gay Street for a free, 21+ watch party during Team USA’s matchup against Paraguay on June 12. Kildare’s will also be showing a selection of other games starting at noon daily, with to-be-announced drink and food specials on offer.
Malvern’s Locust Lane Craft Brewery is hosting a pop-up World Cup beer garden in Upper Merion’s Nor-View Farm Park with free entry from June 11 through July 19. Games will be broadcast on TVs under the park’s pavilion, where attendees can bring their own chairs and enjoy a selection of $8 beers on tap, plus food from the Epicurian Garage Truck. The beer garden will open one hour before the first broadcast game and close before midnight; schedule can be found here.
A former New Jersey Brewery of the Year, Zed’s Beer takes the World Cup as seriously as it takes its brews. The Marlton bar will be airing all Team USA matches, alongside several other key games as designated on the bar’s digital calendar. Also on offer: Soccer-themed quizzo and a new limited-edition IPA called the “48 hops for 48 teams.” Made with hops from each country with a qualifying FIFA team, this beer will be available for the duration of the tournament.
📍19 N. Maple Ave., Ste. A, Marlton, N.J. 📞 856-872-7632, 🌐 drinkzeds.com
This should be a moment for sports fans to be insanely happy. The finals are underway in both the NHL and NBA, and the matchups and the games so far have never been more compelling. Soccer’s World Cup — always the greatest show on earth — starts Thursday (see below). Yet, something seems off. If you wanted to attend Monday night’s Knicks-Spurs Game 3 at Madison Square Garden, it would have cost about $4,500 — not courtside, but in the last row. Equally insane and opaque ticket pricing has ruined the World Cup for many fans. Sports are supposed to be an escape from life’s problems, not a PowerPoint demonstration of them.
Orange-clad Ivorians bring soccer joy to a World Cup tune-up in Chester
Fans of the Côte d’Ivoire national soccer team erupt in cheers during their team’s 2-0 friendly match win over the Philadelphia Union II squad at Subaru Park in Chester on June 8, ahead of the 2026 World Cup.Will Bunch
The cosmic vibes were not great Monday night. On the car radio, the news brought a new cycle of bombs dropping across the Middle East, and yet another onscreen meltdown from an American president who is stumbling toward his 80th birthday in confused anger. Reports from the eve of the much-anticipated return of soccer’s World Cup to North America were less about the game and more about U.S. immigration outrages, including a Somali referee turned away at the airport.
Then at about 6:59 p.m., I walked through a long tunnel in suburban Chester and into an undulating orange sea of pure joy.
On the green soccer pitch of Subaru Park, the national team from Côte d’Ivoire lined up in rapt attention as “L’Abidjanaise,” the national anthem of the West African nation, blared from a loudspeaker. But in the stands, fans wearing their native country’s iconic orange jerseys could not sit still, laughing and waving their cell phones, confirming with videos that their heroes were actually here, on U.S. soil.
For a you-can’t-beat-it ticket price of zero dollars, in a year of maximum sports greed, members of an African diaspora scattered along the Eastern Seaboard had driven up or down I-95 for hours to watch Côte d’Ivoire — also known by the anglicized Ivory Coast — easily win its World Cup tune-up match against the young American prospects of the Philadelphia Union II, 2-0.
Fatim Toure, 27, in her Côte d’Ivoire jersey, and her 26-year-old sister, Ferima, wearing her headwrap like many female fans at the stadium, had driven down from North Jersey to see the match, and were now beaming as they watched the kickoff from the tunnel as the sun set on a crisp, perfect June evening.
Fatim said the sisters “were filled with nationalism and pride, so we’re excited to see how it goes.”
The cheerfulness of the Côte d’Ivoire faithful who turned the 18,500-seat stadium bright orange — drowning out scattered dots of Philadelphians in the Union blue of the regular home squad — was infectious. It was truly what the world needs now.
Soccer fans like me have been waiting since 1994 with patience, then anticipation, and finally something bordering on dread for the World Cup — Planet Earth’s ultimate sporting event — to finally return to U.S. grass. With the opener in Mexico City (75% of the matches are in the United States, with the rest in Canada and Mexico) slated for Thursday, news about the World Cup and soccer’s corrupt, authoritarian-loving governing body, FIFA, has been dominated by grim headlines.
Indeed, the political rise of Trump — the stuff of cartoon satire not long after the first World Cup matches were played here 32 years ago — and his hostile border regime have sparked the greatest angst, and on the eve of the kickoff, these fears are coming true.
Top soccer referee Omar Artan from the African nation of Somalia was turned away at Miami International Airport on Saturday, denied the pinnacle of his profession by U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents for reasons still unknown. The star striker for the Swiss national squad was also initially denied entry (since reversed), while a star player from Iraq was interrogated for hours.
Players from Iran — the nation Trump decided to bomb back in late February and is still engaged in a murky war — are going ahead with matches in Los Angeles and Seattle, but U.S. officials are forcing them to immediately return to their base camp over the Mexican border in Tijuana and not stay here overnight.
Côte d’Ivoire, an ethnic melting pot of 32 million people on Africa’s Atlantic coast where French is the official language, hasn’t been immune to the xenophobic U.S. turn on immigration. The nation is one of several under a restrictive travel ban by the Trump regime, and efforts to allow visas for some soccer fans have been plagued by confusion, including a $15,000 bond that was announced, then canceled.
While Monday’s free friendly match was a gleeful coming-out party for a diaspora that’s rooted in East Coast urban neighborhoods such as Southwest Philadelphia, most acknowledged that fans back in their native Côte d’Ivoire, where soccer is the national obsession, could never afford the cost of coming here — or the risk.
“The ICE situation has killed the entire momentum of the World Cup,” a Liberian-born woman from Southwest Philly, who said she came out to support her African neighbors, told me. “America could have used this to boost the economy and generate income, but because of the whole ICE situation, a lot of people are afraid to come.”
No World Cup squad will be more deeply tied to Philadelphia than Côte d’Ivoire, which plays two of its three matches at the temporarily unbranded Lincoln Financial Field, starting against Ecuador on Sunday night. The team is training in Chester at the Union’s facilities and staying in Delaware. But with the cheapest tickets on StubHub for that Ecuador showdown starting at $836, few whom I spoke with will be attending the matches that actually count for Côte d’Ivoire’s long-shot dream of becoming the first African nation to win the World Cup.
“I wish, but I couldn’t get any tickets, unfortunately — it was too expensive,” Audrey Yao, a 32-year-old Ivorian American researcher from the University of North Carolina who was visiting Philly from Chapel Hill, told me. “So the opportunity to see the team today — that’s why I’m here.“
For many Ivorians, Monday’s free friendly was essentially their World Cup, and they partied accordingly — swaying and gyrating to piped-in African Zouglou music between breaks, and celebrating wildly as keeper Alban Lafont stopped a penalty kick for Les Éléphants against rising young Union star Cavan Sullivan.
As a die-hard — emphasis on the word die — Union supporter for their 16-year tortured history, I’ve seen some great matches in Chester, but I’ve never had so much fun.
Monday night wasn’t just how the World Cup should have, could have been. It was very much the way America is supposed to be — with people who were proud and happy to be here, with one foot still planted in their bright-orange African heritage as they lived and breathed that Philadelphia freedom, with no masked goon squads there to hassle them.
By the setting-sunlit banks of the Delaware River, there was no U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, no need to raid the ATM, no bad news from outside the stadium walls. Just 90 minutes of the Beautiful Game.
Yo, do this!
Don’t expect a lot of high-class book or film reviews this month, as my waking nonwork hours are devoted to watching the World Cup. Three games to circle this week are Thursday afternoon’s opening match in Mexico City between Mexico and South Africa (3 p.m., Fox); the first U.S. match against Paraguay in Los Angeles Friday night (9 p.m., Fox); and Philadelphia’s first contest between Côte d’Ivoire and Ecuador Sunday night at 7 p.m. on FS1, or in person at “Philadelphia Stadium” if you can spare the cash.
What if the biggest story of our time isn’t Trump’s outbursts, or even the World Cup — but the growing inability of our young people to sit down and read a book from cover to cover? The latest installment in this genre comes from university professor Tyler Jagt in a searing essay for the Chronicle of Higher Education: “My Students Can’t Read.” Is the culprit the smartphone and now AI, or the lost COVID-19 years, or the teach-to-the-test dictates of the Common Core curriculum? There’s a strong case for “All of the Above.”
Ask me anything
Question: You recently wrote about data centers. Have there been any groups who have successfully gotten data center plans aborted? What do you think are the most effective ways for communities to fight back? — @silvermoonfafo.bsky.social via Bluesky
Answer: There are already signs that the backlash against these massive, noisy, energy-and-water-sucking data centers powering the artificial intelligence revolution is becoming one of the most successful grassroots movements in American history. I wrote this spring about how everyday folks in rural Montour County, Pa., successfully blocked an Amazon-backed site that started with a lot of support from elected officials. How’d they do it? I wish there was some big secret, but basically it was: showing up. They organized petitions and got big crowds to speak at county commission and zoning board meetings, and the politicians had little choice but to listen. They have money, but we have people. Never forget that.
What you’re saying about …
Well, you won’t know it from today’s soccer-heavy newsletter, but not all readers share my deep passion for the Beautiful Game. Most questions that aren’t some variation on how much do you hate Donald Trump, or John Fetterman, or the media get low responses, but my World Cup question about a favorite team besides the U.S. set a record for reader nonparticipation. Andrew Ross is rooting for Portugal because he moved there from Philly three years ago (and we are all jealous). Weekly correspondent Mary Ann Petro isn’t rooting for anyone and hopes the Yanks “go down in flames.” I’m rooting for the U.S. and Côte d’Ivoire, but you knew this.
📮 This week’s question: Few things are more outrageous these days than Donald Trump’s expensive desecration of Washington, starting with that $1 billion-or-whatever proposed ballroom at the White House. So what happens to the ballroom when the good guys retake power? Tear the whole thing down, or blow it up on national television? Or repurpose it as a community health center or midnight basketball court, or something else? Please email me your answer, and please put “Ballroom future” in the subject line.
Backstory on how an LA mayor’s race could blow up America
Everything about the doomed bid of a B-list reality-TV star, Spencer Pratt, to become a Republican mayor in the ultra-liberal enclave of Los Angeles has been utterly predictable. That includes his campaign that was big on the kind of social media stunts that an entertainment-oriented LA media loved, and short on substantive ideas for a city with big problems that are both chronic (its incurable homelessness) and acute (violent immigration raids, the 2025 wildfires). It also includes the fact that Pratt wasn’t likely to get more than the roughly 27% his highest-profile fan, Donald Trump, received in 2024 from America’s second-largest city.
And now the least surprising thing of all: The right-wing conspiracy theories that Pratt’s apparent defeat by two Democratic women of color — incumbent Mayor Karen Bass and progressive upstart Nithya Raman — is their long-sought proof of massive voter fraud, after Pratt had started the lengthy vote counting in second place.
It’s not just the usual loudmouths on X. Trump is taking the lead role, again, in spreading election lies, telling Kristen Welker of NBC’s Meet the Press in their now-notorious Wisconsin interview that the California voting was rife with fraud, and, when asked for any proof, blurted angrily: “No, they’re crooked … Just like you’re crooked.” When House Speaker Mike Johnson was asked about these lies on Capitol Hill, he only amplified them, stating that “everybody knows instinctively that something is wrong.” No proof, just “instincts.” Trump’s handpicked and apparently incompetent top prosecutor for Southern California is now threatening an investigation.
Here’s the thing. California’s elections are among the most democratic and inclusive in America. There is extensive opportunity for the convenience of mail-in voting, and voters are allowed to send these ballots right up until Election Day. Local officials then have up to 30 days to meticulously count all the votes. That means a) it takes longer to declare a winner in California than anywhere else, and b) it unexpectedly turns out there are significant differences between who votes by mail instead of in-person, and the shape of the race can change dramatically from election night to the end of the lengthy counting. To today’s GOP, any fair and measured vote-counting must be a conspiracy.
Why does it matter? Pratt loses and — according to some reports — moves out of LA. End of story, right? Not exactly. We don’t know yet what ridiculous claims California’s train wreck federal prosecutor will make about supposed election fraud, but it’s almost guaranteed that the Trump regime is looking to make California the bogus argument for extreme measures to influence the general election in November.
Sending in troops? Seizing election machines? Invalidating results? It will all be on the table for Team MAGA in November, and the fact that the former bad boy from MTV’s The Hills couldn’t get elected mayor of one of the nation’s most diverse and liberal cities will be cited as a reason. Spencer Pratt has landed a starring role in the worst reality show ever.
What I wrote on this date in 2023
Even though it was only three short years ago, memories of this week in early June back in 2023 are a little foggy — because the skies here in Philadelphia and around the Eastern Seaboard were filled with suffocating, thick smoky haze from wildfires up in Canada. Before digging up my column, I’d forgotten that a Phillies game at Citizens Bank Park was canceled because of the horrendous air quality. I wrote: “In a perfect world, [President Joe] Biden would have donned an N-95 mask Wednesday and spoken in front of the orange blur of the Statue of Liberty to declare unconditional war on fossil fuels.”
I’ve never had so many column ideas swirling around in my head as this chaotic start to the summer of 2026. Last week’s Sunday column looked at the openly fascist coming-out party for the former U.S. chief immigration raider Greg Bovino, who attended a European white supremacist conference. I said it matters a lot that he is now screaming the not-that-quiet part about U.S. xenophobia out loud. I shifted gears over the weekend and wrote about the growing panic of U.S. elites over grassroots opposition to data centers, which has sparked bizarre accusations of Chinese influence, as well as spying on activists by some police agencies. The 1 Percent can’t admit it’s really the noise pollution and higher electric bills.
Wrapping up this week’s theme in a bow, I have to say I’ve been blown away both by the quality and the quantity of The Inquirer’s coverage of the World Cup, which has truly matched, if not surpassed, some of the national outlets. Lead writer Jonathan Tannenwald, with a well-deserved reputation as one of the nation’s top soccer journalists, has been following the U.S. team in its Georgia training and at its warmup matches, profiling key American players like its star Christian Pulisic, and filing other human interest stories like a Penn soccer standout who’ll be taking the pitch for Haiti. Other Inquirer writers have contributed with in-depth features about everything from the role the late Tug McGraw’s widow played in bringing soccer to Philadelphia, to the storied history of the cinder (ouch!) pitch in Fishtown that brought Philly “attytood” to the sport’s slow rise here. That’s not to mention the comprehensive guide we published earlier this year. You won’t be able to read all this without a subscription, so now is the time to finally sign up. And let the games begin.
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Jackie Love, 83, of Deptford Township, longtime social justice activist, Black political pioneer, former council member and the second Black female deputy mayor of Deptford Township, former director of what is now the New Jersey Division of Disability Services, New Jersey Elected Officials Hall of Famer, mentor, and volunteer, died Friday, May 29, of age-associated decline at Shady Lane Nursing Home in Clarksboro, Gloucester County.
Born in Philadelphia, Mrs. Love moved to Deptford Township when she was 13. She was reared by her grandmother, earned an associate’s degree in business administration at Camden County College in 1972, and served in government leadership roles for Deptford Township, Gloucester County, and New Jersey for four decades until her retirement in 2009.
“Her caring spirit and willingness to help her community is a true example of a servant leader,” a former colleague said on Facebook.
Mrs. Love was hired by Gloucester County officials in the 1970s to coordinate employment training programs and later to prevent and eliminate disability discrimination. She was the first director of the old Gloucester County Office for the Disabled in the 1980s and later was director of the Gloucester County Disabled Persons Advisory Commission.
Mrs. Love stands with U.S. Reps. Donald Norcross (left) and John Lewis.Courtesy of the family
She became director at the old New Jersey State Office for Disability, now the New Jersey Division of Disability Services, in the 1990s and championed the installation of sidewalk ramps, curb cuts, and other improvements throughout the state. “We wanted to start making sure that we were accessible,” she told Front Runner New Jersey in 2025. “That’s a highlight of my life.”
Mrs. Love first ran for Deptford Township Council as a Democrat in 1989. She received more votes than any of the other nine candidates, routinely collaborated with members of both parties, colleagues said, and became deputy mayor in 1996.
“When Jackie was on council and she walked into a room, everybody knew who Jackie Love was,” Deptford Township Mayor Paul Medany told The Inquirer in 2015. “She’s known all over the state.”
As Deptford council member and deputy mayor, Mrs. Love focused on reducing juvenile crime and lobbied for sound barriers along the New Jersey Turnpike, lower speed limits on busy township roads, responsible school budgets, improvements to animal waste disposal procedures, and upgraded vendor code guidelines. In 2015, Deptford Township officials renamed Church Street Park as the Jackie Love Community Park.
Mrs. Love stands with state Assemblyman Bill Moen in 2025.New Jersey Irish Society
“To see the future politicians and others out there playing and getting involved is another highlight of my life,” she told Front Runner New Jersey about the park.
In 2005, the editorial board for the Courier-Post called Mrs. Love “loyal, hardworking, and a team player.” In a Facebook tribute, U.S. Rep. Donald Norcross (D., N.J.) said: “Jacquelyn Love was a force for good in Deptford for generations. She paved the way for others as a Black female deputy mayor … and long remained a champion for civil rights, faith, the disabled, and many more throughout her life.”
Mrs. Love also served as a commissioner for the Delaware River Port Authority. She was active with the Gloucester County Minority Coalition, the Gloucester County College advisory committee on diversity and civility, and other groups.
She recruited volunteer poll workers and was a delegate for Bill Clinton at the 1992 Democratic National Convention in New York. In the 1970s, she traveled the country with civil rights leader Leon Sullivan and helped organize his Opportunities Industrialization Centers of America.
Mrs. Love (left) enjoyed time with her family.Courtesy of the family
She was named the 1987 Woman of the Year by the Gloucester County chapter of the NAACP, honored in 2005 by the Gloucester County Human Relations Commission, and inducted into the New Jersey Elected Officials Hall of Fame in 2010. In March, her achievements were recognized by the New Jersey Irish Society.
Mrs. Love mentored dozens of colleagues and friends, conferred frequently with Philadelphia Mayor Cherelle L. Parker, and volunteered at Mount Zion Wesley United Methodist Church and for the United Way. On Facebook, former colleagues called her “a once-in-a-lifetime type of leader” and “one of the most dedicated public officials I have ever had the honor of working with.”
Jacquelyn Williams was born Sept. 10, 1942. She dropped out of Woodbury High School at 17, earned her General Educational Development certificate later, and worked at first as a counselor at Ancora Psychiatric Hospital in Hammonton.
She married Arnold Love in 1972, and together they reared her daughter, Wanda, and their son, Wayne. Her husband died in 1985.
Mrs. Love participated in this 2020 drive-by salute to a friend’s 60th wedding anniversary. Jose F. Moreno / Staff Photographer
Friendly and classy, friends said, Mrs. Love wore memorable hats and enjoyed shopping at local Amish markets. She visited Amish friends in Lancaster when she was young, took classes at what are now Rowan and Rutgers Universities, and lived in Jericho for decades.
Friends called her a “cornerstone of this neighborhood” and a “wonderful down-to-earth lady.” One friend said: “Jackie set the standard for leadership and dedication to her family, faith, friends, and public service.”
Her son said: “She showed love to so many people.”
In addition to her children, Mrs. Love is survived by four grandchildren, four great-grandchildren, a sister, and other relatives.
Visitation with the family is to be from 8 to 10 a.m. Friday, June 12, at Gloucester County Community Church, 359 Chapel Heights Rd., Sewell, N.J. 08080. A service is to follow.
Friends called Mrs. Love a “cornerstone of this neighborhood.”Courtesy of the family
“Thank God it’s over,” Jordan Mailata said last week. “It was a slow pain of just, is he in, is he out?”
But NFL Network’s Mike Garafolo reported Tuesday that Brown, who caught passes from Drake Maye at Patriots camp less than 24 hours after the trade, stopped into the Eagles’ facility after the deal to pick up a few items, say his goodbyes, and leave a parting message on the wall.
Throughout the Jefferson Health Training Complex, the team has lifesize photos of franchise greats lining the walls. Underneath his picture alongside other Eagles Pro Bowlers, Brown reportedly wrote: “The best to ever play here. Always open.”
In an organization that’s had wideouts like Terrell Owens, Harold Carmichael, DeSean Jackson, and Mike Quick — not to mention DeVonta Smith still on the roster — that’s high praise he’s giving himself.
From @gmfb: A.J. Brown stopped by the #Eagles’ facility last week to pick up some items, say goodbye and leave a parting message on the wall.
Meanwhile, as for the conspiracy theory floating around on what led to the Brown-Hurts rift, Big Dom and others are adamant it’s bogus. pic.twitter.com/M134pe9j8d
Despite rumors of a rift between Brown and quarterback Jalen Hurts, the veteran wide receiver told NBC’s Maria Taylor in his first interview after the trade that he and Hurts had “no beef” — even if they are not as close as they once were.
In four seasons in Philadelphia, Brown had 5,034 receiving yards, 32 touchdowns, two Pro Bowls selections, and three All-Pro nods — plus two Super Bowl appearances and one win.
So how do those numbers compare to other Eagles receivers? Here are the team’s all-time receiving leaders, sorted by total yards. Fifteen players have recorded at least 4,000 yards with the Birds, and Brown ranks ninth, although he likely will be passed this season by both Smith and Dallas Goedert.
In addition to being ninth in total yards, Brown ended his Eagles career 13th in receptions and tied for 12th in receiving touchdowns. Where he really stands out is in yards per game — his 81.2 yards rank second behind Owens (93.5) among players to appear in at least 20 games. However, Owens, who i played parts of just two seasons in Philly, also averaged nearly a touchdown per game (0.95), while Brown averaged a little more than half of one (0.52).
The Eagles will next see Brown at joint practices with New England on Aug. 19 and 20 in Foxborough, Mass.
Former President Joe Biden made a surprise appearance at the annual Stonewall Awards in Philadelphia on Sunday, delivering a 20-minute speech to a packed crowd in Center City.
The award ceremony, started in 2022 by Philadelphia Gay News founder and publisher and participant in the 1969 Stonewall rebellion Mark Segal, recognizes those in the region advancing the LGBTQ rights in Pennsylvania. This year’s speakers, including Biden, took a moment to celebrate the decades of civil rights battles that led to Philadelphia becoming a cultural hub for queer people, but warned that the fight is only getting harder.
“What I don’t think straight people understand is that you have risked a hell of a lot and it’s taken enormous courage to stand here today. You risk your jobs, your families, and your very lives for the cause of equality,” Biden said. “We need that courage today more than ever before. The fellow we have as president right now is not having a very positive impact on anything.”
State Rep. Malcolm Kenyatta, who is a vice chair of the Democratic National Committee, surprised the crowd made up of LGBTQ organizations, media, and community members at the Arts Ballroom in the heart of the Gayborhood when he walked up to the stage with a trail of Secret Service agents and the 46th president. The ballroom erupted with cheers as the audience gave the duo a standing ovation. “I decided to bring a friend with me,” Kenyatta said to the crowd.
State Rep. Malcolm Kenyatta at the Capitol in Harrisburg on May 13, 2025.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer
Biden delivered prepared remarks but wasn’t shy about speaking from the heart, said Segal, who witnessed the police assault on the Stonewall Inn in 1969, a moment credited for spurring the modern queer civil rights movement.
“I think that’s the magic of the Stonewall Awards. You’re in a room with people who want to feel unified and it’s a struggle out there these days thanks to the current administration,“ Segal said. ”This is the day that we get to celebrate ourselves and celebrate where we are and to say, ‘We’re never going back.’”
The president shared stories of his granddaughters fearing for their gay friends as the White House pushes policies that strip rights from LGBTQ people.
“Even though we made enormous progress, as we continue to make the final run here, progress is going to get tougher and the other team’s going to get rougher,” Biden said.
Segal said the Stonewall Awards have brought local leaders and celebs like Gov. Josh Shapiro, Mayor Cherelle L. Parker, and Abbott Elementary star Sheryl Lee Ralph to its stage in prior years. But Biden was a big surprise, said Jacen Bowman, the president of Philly Black Pride.
“We didn’t know Biden would be there, but once we saw Secret Service, we knew something was up. After his speech, he walked right over to our table and spoke to my mom about the award I won and it was amazing,” Bowman said, whose mother is still elated over meeting the former president.
Bowman received his second Stonewall Award on Sunday as he and his fellow organizers grow the organization’s cultural impact on the city and beyond. Bowman’s work hopes to not only bolster the community in a time of increased threats, but also highlight those who may get left out of the picture through murals like creating Finally on 13th, a celebration of Philadelphia’s underground ballroom culture, and remembering icons like the late Stacey Blahnik, a transgender woman and icon in the local ballroom scene whose murder is still left unanswered more than a decade later.
“I love Philadelphia and being honored for my work in the city that has made me, broken me, and uplifted me — I’m so grateful,” Bowman said.
Councilmember Mark Squilla and the Philadelphia Visitor Center received awards for their contributions to LGBTQ advocacy. Alex Niedbalski-Sykes and Ashley K. Lunkenheimer were also recognized for their contributions, including the work of Philadelphia Sisters, an organization that has vowed to bring more professional women’s sports teams to the city, especially after a WNBA team arrives by 2030.
