Tag: Republicans

  • Philly’s state lawmakers will still push to close a tax loophole requested by Mayor Parker, as Pa. budget talks move along

    Philly’s state lawmakers will still push to close a tax loophole requested by Mayor Parker, as Pa. budget talks move along

    HARRISBURG — Pennsylvania lawmakers could still deliver additional revenue to Philadelphia, even after City Council last week largely rejected Mayor Cherelle L. Parker’s proposed tax increases for the next fiscal year.

    Philadelphia’s powerful House delegation to Harrisburg will push state lawmakers to close a loophole that allows online sellers to avoid paying Philadelphia’s 2% sales and use tax, its chair, Democratic Rep. Morgan Cephas, said Tuesday, as legislative leaders seek a quick state budget deal in a consequential midterm election year.

    The tax would be exacted on online sellers based outside the city selling goods to Philadelphia customers, including retail giants such as Amazon. Currently, sellers outside the city have to collect only the 6% state sales tax.

    The proposal — estimated to generate an additional $1.5 million for the city — would require authorizing legislation to be passed by the state and signed by Gov. Josh Shapiro.

    When asked about the Philadelphia delegation’s effort to revive one of Parker’s tax proposals — albeit the one that would generate the least revenue for the city — Joe Grace, a spokesperson for Parker, said it is a “technical amendment.”

    That development comes as top lawmakers are in closed-door budget negotiations trying to find additional revenue to close the state’s deficit, where Pennsylvania is expected to spend more than it brings in this fiscal year and in the future, ahead of the constitutionally required June 30 deadline. Legislators often blow past that deadline, with last year’s budget agreement stretching nearly five months after talks stalled over mass transit funding and resurfaced Pennsylvania’s rural-urban divide.

    Here is a look at the status of state budget negotiations, what Philadelphia’s delegation wants in a final budget deal, and the potential sticking points as the deadline draws nearer.

    Talks are ‘further along’ — in a big midterm year

    Senate Majority Leader Joe Pittman (R., Indiana) said in an interview last week that legislators are “a lot further along” in their budget negotiations than they were at this point last year, but still have more to do to rein in spending.

    Other top legislative leaders echoed a similar hope that budget talks will not draw out into another monthslong impasse during the midterm election year in Pennsylvania’s split legislature, where Democrats hope to ride an anticipated blue wave to gain seats in both chambers while Republicans hope to stave it off and maintain control of the state Senate.

    “There’s nothing like a political wave to help politicians focus,” said House Majority Leader Matt Bradford (D., Montgomery) in an interview last week.

    All 203 state representatives and half the Senate are up for reelection this year. Additionally, Shapiro is seeking a second term and is hoping to flex his political muscle to bring Pennsylvania Democratic wins in Congress and at the state level.

    Shapiro proposed a $53.2 billion budget earlier this year, which would be a 6.2% spending increase over last year and would largely rely on the state’s Rainy Day Fund and new revenue streams from skill games and adult-use cannabis to help fill a $4.6 billion budget hole. The state House in April passed Shapiro’s budget as introduced, though the final product will be struck in closed-door meetings involving Pittman, Bradford, and Shapiro. The three negotiators may call on additional leaders to join the budget talks in the state’s tightly divided legislature, where Democrats hold a one-seat majority in the House and Republicans control the Senate with a three-seat majority.

    In previous midterm election years, the electoral pressure has sped up negotiations, as legislators want to bring home results to their constituents before they return to the campaign trail in a year when the governor’s mansion and control of the state House and Senate are on the line.

    ‘An opportunity to regroup with Council and regroup with our mayor’

    Philadelphia’s delegation to Harrisburg, made up of 25 lawmakers representing parts of the state’s most populous city, will take up Parker’s requested sales tax loophole closure, in addition to any other requests from City Council once the city’s budget receives final approval on Thursday, Cephas said.

    “City Council hasn’t finalized their budget just yet. So we are paying close attention as to what is the final product that gets across the finish line, and then we look at it, look at it as an opportunity to regroup with Council and regroup with our mayor to see where we are and where there’s still gaps that would potentially fill,” Cephas added.

    State Rep. Morgan Cephas, who leads the Philadelphia delegation in Harrisburg, attends a get-out-the-vote rally for State Sen. Sharif Street at the Church of Christian Compassion in West Philadelphia Monday, May 18, 2026 on the day before Tuesday’s Democratic primary election for the 3rd Congressional District. Cephas was a candidate for the same seat, but withdrew early in the race.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer

    As part of several proposals meant to juice revenue from gig economy companies, Parker requested the city’s sales tax loophole be closed in her budget pitch in March.

    Closing the loophole, however, was an easier sell in Harrisburg than Parker’s efforts to raise taxes on city hotels and short-term rentals, which would have also required state legislative approval.

    Last week, sources close to state budget negotiations told The Inquirer there was no interest in raising taxes in Philadelphia as Parker had proposed, even on big tech companies, in an election year. Shortly after, any support appeared to evaporate in City Council for Parker’s proposed taxes on hotels and rideshare services to fund homelessness-prevention programs and help plug the Philadelphia School District’s $300 million structural deficit.

    Shapiro previously said he was uninterested in raising any taxes, and has boasted about cutting taxes in past budgets.

    Shapiro’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    “Billionaire big tech companies just won round one in this process,” says Mayor Cherelle L. Parker at City Hall Thursday, June 4, 2026 after City Council rejected most of her tax proposals for the city budget.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer

    Cephas said Philadelphia’s statehouse delegation is also focused on continuing to increase public education funding through the state’s new adequacy formula, expanding a popular student-teacher stipend program, and increasing funding to improve school facilities.

    The delegation — which includes Democratic legislative leaders such as House Speaker Joanna McClinton and House Appropriations Chair Jordan Harris, who are involved in budget talks — will also push to expand a working families tax credit, a childcare tax credit, and an increase to the state minimum wage from its current $7.25 per hour, Cephas said.

    Potential sticking point: Skill games and gaming expansions

    The big unknown in Pennsylvania’s Capitol is whether lawmakers this year will finally address skill games and other gaming expansions in the state as an effort to raise additional revenue.

    Skill games are slot-machine look-alikes that have proliferated around Pennsylvania and, despite coaxing from Shapiro to tax them at a much lesser rate than the hefty 52% levied on slot machines, remain unregulated and untaxed by the state. Shapiro estimated that taxing machines at the same rate as slots would generate $765.9 million in its first year.

    A case is before the state Supreme Court to determine whether the machines found in restaurants, corner stores, and bars are legal — and distinct from other gambling devices.

    Skill games can be seen through the door of a mini mart on Kensington Avenue in the Kensington section of Philadelphia on Wednesday, July 30, 2025.Elizabeth Robertson / Staff Photographer

    The deep-pocketed skill games lobby had long been an ally of the Senate GOP until recent years, when Republicans considered a higher-than-desired tax on the industry that the lobbyists claim would hurt small businesses. The relationship eroded further last month when a conservative group tied to the skill games lobby helped fund three unsuccessful primary challenges to Republican state senators.

    Now, top GOP lawmakers say they are awaiting the court ruling before they decide how to tax the devices.

    Another emerging form of gaming that could require state regulation would be prediction markets like Kalshi or Polymarket, which allow users to place bets on the outcome of events, including elections. Pittman said he wants federal lawmakers to regulate the new industry, while House Minority Leader Jesse Topper (R., Bedford) said “it will need to be addressed.”

    “Prediction markets, to me, seem to be a whole new world,” Pittman said last week. “That is something that the federal government really needs to grab onto in a very consistent manner to make sure that you have consistent policy nationwide on that front.”

  • 160,000 people drop Pennie health plans following price hikes

    160,000 people drop Pennie health plans following price hikes

    One in three Pennsylvania residents who bought an Affordable Care Act health plan last year has dropped coverage for 2026, after costs more than doubled on average when a critical financial incentive program expired.

    A total of 160,000 people who bought a health plan through Pennie, the state’s ACA marketplace, last year had canceled their coverage as of the end of May. That includes just under 55,000 people in the five-county Philadelphia region, figures released Tuesday show.

    Many of those 160,000 will become uninsured, marketplace leaders expect, though some may enroll in private health insurance through a new job, or transition to government coverage through Medicaid or Medicare.

    Cost was the most common reason people cited for dropping their plans, said Devon Trolley, Pennie’s executive director.

    “People want to have coverage, they see the value and the protection it provides,” Trolley said. “And when they can afford it, they enroll.”

    Pennie leaders were bracing for dropouts on this scale after Congress failed to renew for this year a financial incentive program that ensured no one paid more than 8.5% of their salary for health coverage.

    The so-called enhanced premium tax credits became a major sticking point in federal budget discussions last fall that led to a Democrat-forced government shutdown. Republicans had refused to include the tax credits without significant restrictions.

    The tax credits introduced in 2021 had helped to drive Pennie enrollment to a record 497,000 enrollees last year. Just over 443,000 people were enrolled in Pennie as of June, with new enrollees partially offsetting the losses.

    In New Jersey, nearly 69,000 people dropped out of their ACA plans between the end of January and April, according to the state’s Department of Banking and Insurance. The figures it released tracked drops only since the end of the state’s open enrollment Jan. 31.

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    Dropping coverage over high cost

    Many people were able to keep health coverage by switching to a less expensive plan.

    In New Jersey, thousands of people opted for less expensive plans, instead of canceling their coverage entirely.

    The most popular mid-level Silver plans accounted for 68% of New Jersey marketplace enrollments, down from 83% the year before. Many switched to Bronze plans, which have cheaper monthly premiums but higher out-of-pocket expenses and deductibles.

    In Pennsylvania, Trolley said that marketplace leaders have “heard from people who tried to make it work” but a few months into the new year, decided they couldn’t afford to keep their plan.

    Even less-expensive plans have become unaffordable, said Antoinette Kraus, executive director of Pennsylvania Health Access Network, which helps people enroll in coverage.

    “It means that people are going to go uninsured,” Kraus said. “They’ll delay getting care, get sicker, and end up in the emergency department with conditions that could have been prevented.”

    In Pennsylvania, dropouts have been highest among people age 55 and older, who are nearing Medicare eligibility and who pay more for coverage than younger people.

    By income level, dropouts have been greatest among people with incomes between 150-200% of the federal poverty rate. That’s an annual income of between $23,475 and $31,300 for an individual. For a family of four, the equivalent income range would be $48,225 to $64,300.

    Income-based tax credits for lower-income individuals and families are still available because they were written into law under the ACA.

    Ongoing ACA challenges

    Marketplace leaders predicted that people would continue to drop plans through the spring, when the grace period for overdue premiums passed. People who qualify for a tax credit have 90 days to pay their premium before losing coverage; everyone else has 30 days.

    Dropouts may now level off, but new challenges are looming for the ACA marketplaces. Last year’s federal spending package included new rules that would save billions of dollars through cuts to the ACA marketplaces and Medicaid, the publicly funded health program for low-income families and people with disabilities.

    Beginning this fall, open enrollment will start earlier and be cut short by about two weeks, running Oct. 15 through Dec. 15. In the past, people have had until at least mid-January to sign up.

    Also beginning this fall, certain groups of people who legally immigrated to the United States will not be able to enroll in marketplace plans, Medicaid, or Medicare.

    In 2027, new enrollment rules will prevent marketplaces from automatically renewing plans, requiring individuals to resubmit and verify their eligibility annually.

  • A new local improvement district may be needed to care for the Chinatown Stitch cap over I-676

    A new local improvement district may be needed to care for the Chinatown Stitch cap over I-676

    City officials and residents of the Callowhill neighborhood on Monday night discussed design options for a park atop the Chinatown Stitch, a planned cap over part of the Vine Street Expressway.

    The Philadelphia Office of Transportation and Infrastructure Systems is thinking about the day the project is complete, with preliminary exploration of a possible improvement district in the area to finance operations and maintenance.

    “We’ve come to the conclusion that there’s not really a city department or even nonprofit entity that’s ideally placed to take over that maintenance responsibility,” said Christopher Puchalsky, director of policy and strategic initiatives at OTIS.

    The meeting of the Callowhill Neighborhood Association was held at the Folk-Arts Cultural Treasures Charter School.

    In March, the Pennsylvania Department of Transportation moved $10 million in regional highway funds that, along with a $2.5 million match from the city, will pay for final design of the Chinatown Stitch.

    The Trump administration canceled $150 million in construction money, imperiling the project to rejoin two sections of Chinatown severed for decades by I-676.

    Republicans’ “big beautiful” domestic policy and spending bill last July killed most of the Neighborhood Access and Equity grant program in the U.S. Department of Transportation.

    The original grant was $159 million, but the city already had spent $8.4 million on preliminary engineering and design work. The rest was rescinded.

    Using either a Neighborhood Improvement District or a Business Improvement District would give the neighborhood control over the maintenance of the park and its planned connection to the Rail Park along the Reading viaduct, Puchalsky said.

    City money would be subject to a yearly appropriation, and the Stitch would be “not just competing against all the other parks that need to be maintained,” he said. “The Chinatown Stitch would be competing against firefighters and social workers and pothole crews and go down the list.”

    People expressed strong support throughout several rounds of community engagement for keeping a completed project safe, clean, and in good repair, Puchalsky said.

    He presented three possible annual maintenance and security budgets for a hypothetical improvement district: $1.3 million; $2.2 million; and $3.8 million. A budget would depend on the size of the district and the level of services involved.

    The largest budget could likely finance 24-7 security, robust maintenance, and some social service programs, while the smallest budget would provide much less.

    Improvement district assessments range from 1% to 7% in Philadelphia, which would be on top of property taxes. Based on rough back-of-the-envelope math, Puchalsky said, the owner of a $500,000 property would pay $140 a year on top of a $7,000 property tax bill at the lowest end of the range and $300 yearly at the highest end.

    He stressed that there is no formal proposal for an improvement district or firm estimate for assessments.

    “It is a goal to try to get some kind of a neighborhood consensus about what you would like to do,” Puchalsky said. “I’m not hearing anyone jumping up and down, either angrily or cheeringly” — just reasonable questions.

  • Longtime Philly State Sen. Anthony Williams is running for the last time — and won’t commit to fulfilling his full term

    Longtime Philly State Sen. Anthony Williams is running for the last time — and won’t commit to fulfilling his full term

    State Sen. Anthony H. Williams, a veteran state senator from Philadelphia known for his advocacy on school choice and who has led one of the city’s most muscular political factions for decades, says November will be his last time running for reelection.

    But first, he has more work to do for the advancement of Black Philadelphians and the Democratic Party before he retires, he added in an interview this week.

    Williams, 69, did not commit to completing another four-year term, opening up the possibility that he could handpick his successor if he decides to retire early.

    “I’m thinking about getting reelected and serving, that’s all I’m thinking about,” he said. “I’m here, I’m gonna run to November, and we’ll see what happens after that.”

    Williams ran unopposed in 1998 for the seat after his father, the late Hardy Williams, decided within hours of the filing deadline he would not run for reelection. At the time, the move was was widely seen as an intentional play by the late Williams to hold the seat for his son. Now, Anthony H. Williams says that recollection excluded a key piece of information as to why his father retired so suddenly: He had been diagnosed with dementia just before he decided not to run.

    “We didn’t have a plan for me to take over,” the younger Williams said, noting that former State Rep. James Roebuck Jr. had filed to run, too, but ultimately withdrew from the race due issues with his petitions. “It wasn’t like I got a free pass.”

    When a state legislator resigns before the end of his or her term, a special election is called to fill the vacancy. The ward leaders in that district then get to choose who should take over the seat, dodging a competitive primary and largely deciding the outcome in closed-door meetings.

    Anthony Hardy Williams (left), seen here in 1998, when he was a state representative and his father (right) was a state senator.File photo

    Williams —who has been in state government, both as a representative and senator, for nearly four decades — is seeking his sixth term to represent parts of Southwest Philadelphia and Delaware County in Harrisburg. He recently won his primary election over Democratic challenger David Goldsmith Jr. and will not face a Republican challenge in November.

    Williams has had a far-reaching — and at times, turbulent — legacy in Harrisburg and the city, running twice unsuccessfully for Philadelphia mayor in 2015 and 2019 and once unsuccessfully for governor in 2010.

    Over 37 years in Harrisburg, Williams has mentored numerous young Philadelphians who started as aides in his Senate office, who have gone on to become top legislative leaders. That list includes: House Speaker Joanna McClinton, Philadelphia City Council President Kenyatta Johnson, House Appropriations Chair Jordan Harris, Superior Court Judge Timika Lane and more.

    State Sen. Anthony H. Williams, State Rep. Jordan Harris and Councilman Kenyatta Johnson at the Inaugural Dorys Erving Fit Youth Foundation Celebration at the Ritz-Carlton on Friday, November 15, 2013. (HughE Dillon/Philly.com)

    “It’s a testament to his dedication and his commitment to seeing Black independent politics grow and mentoring young people to get into office — not to just be there, but to do something,” Harris said Friday.

    Looking at Williams’ list of mentees who now outrank him in office shows his legacy and humility, Harris added. And Williams is willing to have spirited disagreements with his mentees, Harris said.

    “He’s mentored people who vehemently disagree with him on certain issues, but the endgame of upward mobility for underrepresented people is all the same,” Harris said.

    Johnson, in a statement, credited Williams for playing a formative role in his political climb, and for always being willing to “share his wisdom, offer candid advice, and invest in the next generation of leaders.”

    “Philadelphia is a better city because of [Williams’] service, and I am proud to call him both a colleague and a friend,” Johnson added.

    In an interview, Williams said that he’s seen Harrisburg change tremendously since he first was elected to as a state representative in 1989. Today, Democrats control the state House after flipping the chamber in 2022 for the first time in 12 years, a Black woman from Philadelphia leads the House, and a democratic socialist leads Philadelphia’s delegation to Harrisburg in the Senate. Democratic lawmakers successfully fought to change how Pennsylvania’s public education system is funded, and they’ve advanced gun reforms.

    And, he said, it’s no longer a place for career politicians like him.

    Philadelphia elected officials State Rep. Rick Krajewski (from left), State Sen. Nikil Saval, and State Sen. Anthony Williams attend a rally at the University of Pennsylvania Mar. 20, 2025.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer

    But Williams said there are still critical issues of policy and politics that he wants to address with his time left in office.

    First, he wants to be a bridge between generations of Democratic leaders — though he dislikes how Democrats currently label themselves as “progressive” or “moderate” to differentiate their views. He said he’s been speaking frequently with progressive leaders since State Rep. Chris Rabb, a democratic socialist, won the party’s nomination to represent Pennsylvania’s 3rd Congressional District in Congress.

    “The Democratic Party as it’s currently constituted is something that’s not current, and not visionary about moving forward,” Williams said.

    “I want to spend time working with those folks who are in that progressive community who will identify with the fact we have common ground on a lot of these areas. We have a different rhythm, or as they say, a different vibe,” he added.

    Throughout his time in office, he said he’s had his ideas stolen and boasted by white leaders, including a successful illegal gun task force. He’s cut deals with top Republicans for impactful programs that still exist today, such as an apprenticeship program that helped increase diversity in the building trades. He’s been an outcast at times as one of few Democrats to advocate for school choice options, a label that he knows follows him.

    News conference hosted by Pennsylvania State Senator Anthony H. Williams (podium) outside the Penn Carey Law School, Tuesday, Feb. 25, 2025. At rear from left are Councilmember Jamie Gauthier, law professor Stacy Hawkins, State Rep. Napoleon Nelson, Rev. Marshall Mitchell, Penn Trustee Board, State Rep. Rick Krajewski, State Sens. Nikil Saval and Art Haywood.Alejandro A. Alvarez / Staff Photographer

    Now, he wants the buy-in of state legislators and the private sector to address economic inequities among Black Philadelphians. Black residents make up the largest racial or ethnic groups in Philadelphia, but have one of the highest poverty rates in the city with 22.3% of Black residents living in poverty in 2024, according to a Pew Charitable Trusts survey released this year. Instead, Black residents should be driving the economy, Williams said.

    “Fundamentally, we have to take hold of the economy in the city,” he said. “We collectively have the power to do something about it. Not individually, collectively.”

    He sees more school choice options — and reimagining the whole public school system if necessary — as part of this solution. He’s faced criticism throughout his career for his support of school choice efforts, citing his big-dollar support from Pennsylvania’s richest man Jeffrey Yass, who solely supports candidates willing to send state money to private schools.

    Yass, who usually supports Republican candidates, was among the sole funders of Williams’ failed bids for governor and mayor. Williams has been criticized for taking money from a top GOP supporter who wants to divert money away from Pennsylvania’s public school system.

    “People think I’m a one-hit wonder,” Williams said of his support for using public dollars to send some students to private schools. “We have to be honest about what we’re doing and not doing and have honest, hard conversations about how we’re gonna change how we do this.”

  • What Chris Rabb’s win in Philly could mean for the 2028 Democratic battle to replace John Fetterman

    What Chris Rabb’s win in Philly could mean for the 2028 Democratic battle to replace John Fetterman

    The euphoria at Chris Rabb’s election night party last month hadn’t even started to wane before the democratic socialist and his supporters — dancing and hugging after capturing a rarely open Philadelphia seat in Congress — spoke of setting their sights even higher.

    Taking on the city’s Democratic establishment to defeat a pair of more centrist candidates in the heated 3rd Congressional District race was a momentous win on its own. But the reckoning, they promised, wouldn’t be confined to Philadelphia’s borders.

    “It’s going to change not just our city, but our entire commonwealth,” Rabb said in an interview amid the celebration at a Germantown banquet hall.

    It was a sentiment echoed that night by key figures in Rabb’s coalition — from the head of the Working Families Party to Pittsburgh’s U.S. Rep. Summer Lee, the only other democratic socialist representing a part of Pennsylvania.

    With the 2026 Pennsylvania Democratic primary in the rearview mirror, that conversation has broadly and quickly turned to the next biggest prize in the state: the U.S. Senate seat held by Democrat John Fetterman.

    The senator has not said whether he will run for a second six-year term in 2028. But in an unusual situation for an high-profile elected official, a robust intraparty competition to replace him is expected to start either way in the next year as Fetterman increasingly sides with Republicans and as polls show that his support among Democratic voters has nose-dived.

    State Rep. Chris Rabb is hugged by his son, Issa Rabb, during his primary election night event at Victorian Banquet Hall on May 19.Elizabeth Robertson / Staff Photographer

    Some Democrats who watched Rabb emerge from a competitive race, notching one of the left’s biggest wins yet in Pennsylvania, see an opportunity — one that extends the energy and momentum to boost a well-organized, progressive, anti-establishment candidate in the Senate primary.

    Other strategists and activists say that’s a tall task, particularly in a swing state that rarely strays from electing more centrist politicians statewide.

    “Anytime you have success, it breeds enthusiasm, which translates into more volunteers, into more money — everything you need to run a campaign,” said Mike Mikus, a Pittsburgh-based Democratic strategist. “But every election cycle is different. Every campaign’s different. The quality of candidates are different. And anybody who says that any one race signifies a permanent change within a party is mistaken.”

    ‘A huge impact on the political landscape of Pennsylvania’

    In his campaign to succeed U.S. Rep. Dwight Evans, Rabb, a five-term state lawmaker, won 44% of the vote. He was up against State Sen. Sharif Street, who had the backing of the city Democratic apparatus, and physician Ala Stanford, a political newcomer endorsed by Evans.

    Rabb and others have said his success, in part, was the culmination of a decade of progressive organizing that began in the city after U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders’ 2016 presidential campaign.

    That progressive infrastructure — the coming together of different groups to knock doors, make calls to voters, and unleash a significant independent advertising campaign in a way that rivaled the official Democratic Party organization — is likely the most important way that the left can use the experience of Rabb’s campaign to replicate its success elsewhere, strategists said.

    It’s a template that could have “a huge impact on the political landscape of Pennsylvania,” said Rotimi Adeoye, a Philadelphia-based Democratic strategist who worked in the office of former U.S. Sen. Bob Casey.

    In a district packed with Democratic voters, Rabb’s ability to turn out progressive voters should draw the attention of anyone looking to win the state’s Democratic Senate primary in 2028, Adeoye said.

    “If a Democrat running statewide can learn from some of these organizational groups to build a strong, relational and community-based organizing campaign in Philadelphia and the surrounding suburbs in Montgomery County, Bucks County — they’re going to have a really big chance of winning,” Adeoye said.

    In a sign that those efforts could coalesce around a Senate candidate, one of the groups that helped usher Rabb to victory remains the only major Democratic entity in the state to have publicly started laying the groundwork for a challenge to Fetterman.

    The Working Families Party, which backed Fetterman in the 2022 general election after originally endorsing State Rep. Malcolm Kenyatta in the primary, said in November it would organize an effort to oust him. A “Primary Fetterman” website launched in January is equipped with a “Fetterman sell-out tracker” — highlighting his votes for Trump’s cabinet nominees and opposition to war powers resolutions that would rein in his military strikes, for example — and instructions for donors on how to request a refund from his campaign.

    The website remains the extent of the group’s efforts so far to rally public support and back a new candidate, though its work is expected to pick up after this year’s midterm elections. For now, the party is looking forward to bringing new members who worked to elect Rabb into its fold.

    “Our goal is always to keep building on the work we do each cycle and the success we have each cycle,” said Nick Gavio, the Working Families Party’s Mid-Atlantic communications director.

    One PA, another statewide group in that progressive coalition, has not yet had internal discussions about the Senate race but it supports the Working Families Party’s position as a member of its steering committee, executive director Steve Paul said. He said more than 150 members of One PA mobilized for Rabb by talking to thousands of voters.

    Winning a high-profile congressional race only helps add to that organizational infrastructure, making them “sharper for the next thing,” Paul said.

    “I think it shifts what’s possible, politically — what people can envision,” he said.

    Potential progressive roadblocks

    Mikus said progressives have increasingly surpassed “more establishment Democrats” in their ability to run strong campaigns, including in his area of Western Pennsylvania where candidates like Lee have emerged in the last decade.

    Democratic primary voters are also more progressive than they were 10 years ago, he said. But campaigning on a far-left — or a far-right — platform doesn’t often equate to success on a statewide level in Pennsylvania, a swing state where successful candidates tend to walk a “fine line” that appeals to both swing voters and a message that excites their partisan base, Mikus said.

    “You’ve seen this time after time in presidential elections here in Pennsylvania,” Mikus said. “Hillary Clinton versus Bernie Sanders. Joe Biden versus Bernie Sanders. The vast majority of voters in Pennsylvania will go with the more mainstream Democrat.”

    J.J. Balaban, a Philadelphia-based Democratic strategist and ad maker, said the party runs the risk of “drawing too big of a conclusion” based on a single election — particularly one like Rabb’s where candidates only needed to appeal to Democrats.

    “Democrats really need to think hard about what it will take to win statewide in a purple state, which Pennsylvania clearly is,” Balaban said. “What it will take to win a general election in Pennsylvania is very, very different than what it will take to win in literally the most Democratic congressional district in the country.”

    After recent years of tough losses — including the ousting of Casey by now-U.S. Sen. Dave McCormick, a Republican — Democratic voters will likely have a “tremendous thirst for candidates who have a credible case to make that they can win the general election,” Balaban said.

    Fetterman, whose office did not comment for this story, has insisted that Pennsylvania’s purple state status means he should appeal to both sides of the aisle and not demonize the other side.

    He’s also lamented the direction he sees his party going with candidates like Rabb, particularly around a growing sentiment that Israel has gone too far in its war against Hamas. Fetterman acknowledged last year that his unwavering support of Israel could cost him his Senate seat.

    “Look at the people that are winning the primaries in our party right now, and look at their views on Israel,” Fetterman said at an American Jewish Committee conference in Washington this week.

    On stage with McCormick and the head of the Jewish advocacy organization, Fetterman painted Graham Platner, the expected Democratic nominee for a U.S. Senate seat in Maine, as a “Nazi sympathizer” and connected him to Rabb.

    “People also in our state, too. Rabb, he won, and he ran on being a very, very anti-Israel guy,” Fetterman said. “It’s actually a virtue [in the modern Democratic Party] … It’s heartbreaking for me. And if it isolates me, then so be it.”

    Who might run?

    Of the Democrats widely considered to be eyeing a campaign to replace Fetterman, the public jockeying has so far been limited to criticisms of the incumbent.

    U.S. Rep. Brendan Boyle, a moderate who represents the other half of Philadelphia next to Rabb’s soon-to-be seat, has repeatedly called Fetterman “Trump’s favorite Democrat.”

    Former U.S. Rep. Conor Lamb, a moderate who represented a suburban Pittsburgh district before Fetterman beat him in the 2022 Senate primary, has frequently lambasted him.

    Conor Lamb speaks to the crowd at a town hall-style event organized by progressive groups at Central Penn College on June 22, 2025, in Enola, Pa. Marc Levy

    And U.S. Rep. Chris Deluzio, who succeeded Lamb and leaned into progressive economic populism, has taken a less direct tack while noting the differences between himself and Fetterman over issues like Trump’s military interventions abroad. Deluzio has occasionally reposted others’ criticisms on social media — including one from Gavio, the Working Families Party spokesperson, last week that called Fetterman’s reversal on eliminating the filibuster “a new low” and “an indescribably massive backtrack from everything he ran on.”

    None of the three have ruled out running.

    Boyle is expected to weigh a Senate campaign vs. staying in the House to take a rare opportunity to lead the powerful budget committee if Democrats win the majority in November. Lamb, who’s remained highly active in Pennsylvania politics, said in an interview that he’s hoping to serve again and would run for office if he feels he “can be of service to the state.” Deluzio, who is also heavily involved in helping Democratic candidates across the state, said he’s focused on his reelection this year and that “we’ll see what 2028 holds.”

    “I am not at all interested in seeing us lose this Senate election, and I certainly have gotten a lot of encouragement to look at 2028,” Deluzio said.

    Progressives have also mentioned Lee, the Rabb ally who’s been a vocal member of the leftist wing on Capitol Hill while taking leadership roles in areas like securing the release of the Jeffrey Epstein files.

    U.S. Reps. Summer Lee and Chris Deluzio, both Pittsburgh-area Democrats, speak outside the Moshannon Valley Processing Center in Clearfield County on May 28 after getting a tour of the facility, the largest detention center for undocumented immigrants in the Northeast.Sam Janesch / Staff

    With potential candidates still several months away from making their decisions, it’s unclear who might try to take up the progressive mantle if Lee does not run, strategists say.

    The field could also grow considerably. Other potential candidates could jump in, including the three other current Pennsylvania Democrats in Congress or former lawmakers like Susan Wild, who lost a swing congressional district in the Lehigh Valley in 2024. Wild said she’s “not ruling out” a run but she’s more interested in thinking about good female candidates in general since no woman has ever won a Pennsylvania U.S. Senate seat.

    On the prospects of a battle between different factions of the party, Lamb said he believed Democrats had broadly learned a lesson — from Fetterman’s election in 2022, where he ran on being a reliable Democratic vote in the Senate — that was beyond ideological policy tests.

    “Fetterman taught Democrats in Pennsylvania that you have to have a character test. Anybody can run around the state promising you these further left solutions, and that they’re going to be a thumb in the eye of the establishment, and they’re going to channel all your anger and dissatisfaction. And then that person can turn on you on a dime,” Lamb said. “The fact is that we have to evaluate our candidates based on whether they have integrity and they’re going to keep their word and, honestly, whether they have the work ethic to be a senator day in, day out.”