Tag: Democrats

  • 1 in 4 Pa. GOP voters doesn’t know who Stacy Garrity is as Josh Shapiro widens lead in governor’s race

    1 in 4 Pa. GOP voters doesn’t know who Stacy Garrity is as Josh Shapiro widens lead in governor’s race

    One in four likely Pennsylvania GOP voters has not heard of the state’s Republican candidate for governor, as Gov. Josh Shapiro continues to pull ahead with less than six weeks remaining until Election Day, according to a new poll.

    Shapiro, a Democrat seeking reelection and a potential 2028 presidential candidate, is ahead of his Republican challenger, State Treasurer Stacy Garrity, by 21 percentage points among likely Pennsylvania voters, according to the poll, conducted by The Inquirer, the New York Times, and Siena University.

    According to the poll, Shapiro’s lead has now expanded beyond the advantage he held the month before the 2022 election against State Sen. Doug Mastriano (R., Franklin). Shapiro went on to beat Mastriano in that election by nearly 15 percentage points, or 800,000 votes — a drubbing that the GOP vowed not to repeat.

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    Pennsylvania Republicans endorsed Garrity in September 2025 — an unprecedented early nod to unify behind her in an effort to put up a stronger fight against Shapiro after the party largely withheld its support for far-right Mastriano. Garrity has won statewide twice and received the most votes in Pennsylvania history for a statewide office, a record previously held by Shapiro. In January, President Donald Trump endorsed Garrity, calling her “an America First Patriot.”

    But building on that early enthusiasm has proven to be a challenge for Garrity, who for months has struggled to raise money, compete with Shapiro’s $60 million war chest, and gain name recognition in the critical battleground state where registered Democratic voters narrowly outnumber Republicans.

    Garrity, 63, who entered politics in 2020 after a long career in the U.S. Army Reserve, raised only $1.8 million this summer and spent $1.5 million, according to her latest campaign finance filing, posted Tuesday. Shapiro raised $13.3 million during that time and spent $31 million.

    Gov. Josh Shapiro addresses the audience during a rally for congressional candidate Bob Brooks at the United Steelworkers Union Hall in Bethlehem, Pa. on Sunday, July 26, 2026.David Maialetti / Staff Photographer

    And while Shapiro has dramatically increased his advertising spending on TV and streaming services to top $27 million this year, Garrity has spent a total of $744,000 on ads so far, according to media tracking firm AdImpact.

    Both Shapiro and Garrity have released ads attacking each other for their past support for data center development, an increasingly unpopular issue among both Republicans and Democrats. Garrity’s ad criticizing Shapiro has been viewed about 802,000 times in the Philadelphia media market, according to AdImpact. Shapiro’s commercial labeling Garrity as “Pennsylvania’s number one fan of data centers” has been viewed 416 million times.

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    “Within the data right now, Josh Shapiro is a favorite son in the state of Pennsylvania, and they see him as doing a fantastic job,” said Don Levy, the director of the Siena Research Institute, which conducted the poll of 615 likely Pennsylvania voters from Sept. 15 to 21. “Barring double lightning bolts or a triple rainbow, he’s going to win.”

    Garrity’s lack of campaign spending has allowed Shapiro to define her in the race, experts have said.

    George Stanton, 77, a registered Republican from Lebanon County who participated in the poll, said he will support Garrity in November. He said Shapiro’s attack ad about Garrity’s past support for data centers, which he said he agrees with, helped him learn more about her positions.

    Voters trust Shapiro more than Garrity on all of the top issues facing them, the poll found, including the state’s economy, the cost of living, data centers and artificial intelligence companies, and vaccine policy. In recent weeks, Shapiro has been embroiled in a battle with U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., whom he has blamed for spreading misinformation as Pennsylvania experienced a deadly measles outbreak. And at a summit in Pittsburgh last week, Shapiro called for more regulation of AI companies but said innovation of the technology should still be harnessed.

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    Scott Byers, 79, a Republican from Westmoreland County who supported Trump in 2024, is planning to vote for Shapiro this fall because “he just seems to be more in line with the public, with the feelings of his constituents.”

    That includes Shapiro’s position on AI and data centers, which Byers believes should be more difficult to build. All he knows about Garrity’s views is what he catches on commercials — but it does not feel comprehensive, said Byers, who participated in the poll.

    “I think technology in itself is going a bit beyond what is necessary. I feel that it’s hard to pinpoint, but I just feel that there’s too much emphasis on technology,” Byers said.

    Campaign volunteers hand out signs to supporters of Gov. Josh Shapiro and Democratic Pa. Senate candidate Chris Thomas at a rally in Towamencin, Montgomery County before heading out to canvass on Sunday, Sept. 29, 2026.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer

    Approximately 60% of likely voters strongly approve or somewhat approve of the job Shapiro is doing as governor, according to the poll. That includes 30% of Republican voters, 89% of Democratic voters, and 59% of independents in the critical swing state where Shapiro maintains high popularity.

    As a moderate politician, Shapiro has been able to capture most independent voters and even win over some Republicans, according to the poll.

    Lesa Yeager, 63, considers herself an independent voter with centrist views who voted for a third-party candidate in the 2024 presidential election. She is an ardent union supporter and also thinks the nation should have a strong border. She said she trusts Garrity, as the state’s treasurer, to do a better job handling Pennsylvania’s economy.

    But she is supporting Shapiro this November, in large part, because of his work on schools.

    “I like that he’s very pro-education,” she said. “I am a fan of charter schools because I sent my kids to charter schools.”

    Two of her children, now 35 and 37, benefited from smaller classroom sizes and adjustable curriculums, she said.

    Yeager said she has also reached her limits with Trump’s behavior during his second term and believes Shapiro would continue to represent the state positively.

    “I just think Trump is such a bully and so mean and just does whatever he wants, and I just want someone who isn’t that,” Yeager said.

    She appreciates the Republicans who distance themselves from Trump. “But it’s tough to tell who is and who isn’t, a lot of times, and I would rather vote for someone I know isn’t going to support Trump on a lot of the things that he does,” she added.

    Still, Garrity has found some backing among Pennsylvania’s electorate, though even some of those supporters say they don’t know much about her.

    GOP gubernatorial nominee Stacy Garrity and her running mate Jason Richey hold up their arms in Harrisburg, Pa., Saturday, February 7, 2026. Kalim A. Bhatti / For The Inquirer

    Susan Roller of Lancaster said she plans to vote for Garrity this fall because “she’s more responsible and will protect our freedoms.” Roller, who is retired, said she is particularly distressed about Shapiro’s positions supporting access to abortion and encouraging vaccines.

    But as far as getting to know more about Garrity, Roller, 72, said she has not “seen a lot” of messaging on television about her.

    Shapiro and Garrity are set to face off in a televised debate on Oct. 7.

    In 2022, Shapiro did not participate in any debates while he maintained a double-digit lead over Mastriano, declining the Republican’s requests as an “unserious stunt.” Shapiro held a 13-percentage-point lead over Mastriano in a New York Times/Siena poll conducted that October — a closer margin than Shapiro’s lead over Garrity this year.

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    The 2022 midterm election was a much different political moment for Democrats, said Levy of the Siena Research Institute.

    “That was a point in time when the Democratic star was on the decline,” he added. “Everything was a bit of a referendum on Democrats, on the job that [former President Joe] Biden was doing, how we were coming out of the pandemic.

    “The overall political climate in which the ’26 election is taking place vs. ’22 is really kind of night and day,” Levy said.

    Staff writers Joe Yerardi and Fallon Roth contributed to this article.

  • John Fetterman’s favorability dips as voters see him more as a Republican than a Democrat

    John Fetterman’s favorability dips as voters see him more as a Republican than a Democrat

    A majority of Pennsylvania voters view U.S. Sen. John Fetterman (D., Pa.) more as a Republican than a Democrat as he continues to heavily criticize his party and side with President Donald Trump in some major policy areas, according to an Inquirer/New York Times/Siena University poll published Thursday.

    Fetterman’s overall favorability among Pennsylvanians — which had already taken a dramatic turn in the last year and a half — has also dipped in recent weeks, a period that featured new revelations about the senator’s job performance and his surprise participation in the Republican Party’s midterm convention with a video message praising Trump.

    For the first time in polling conducted by Siena University on behalf of The Inquirer and the New York Times, a plurality of likely voters in the state have a negative view of Fetterman.

    The senator is viewed “somewhat” or “very” unfavorably by 47% of voters and favorably by 42%, according to the poll of 615 likely voters from Sept. 15 to 21. That’s an 11-percentage-point swing since the organizations’ poll in August found Fetterman maintained an overall positive favorability rating.

    Four years after he flipped a Republican-held seat with a promise to be Democrats’ 51st vote in the Senate, just 26% of likely voters consider Fetterman as more of a Democrat than a Republican, the poll found.

    A majority — 57% — view him as more of a Republican.

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    “He insists that he’s not going to be changing parties. However, a lot of people are afraid of that because of the way he has voted,” said Sandra Boyles, a retired teacher and Democrat in Fayette City who believes “a lot of people feel betrayed” by the senator.

    Nearly three-quarters of Democrats see Fetterman as a Republican. And roughly half of Republicans feel the same way, as do a similar proportion of independents.

    Fetterman’s party loyalty has become a pressing question — not just for his own political future, but also for which party controls the U.S. Senate during the final two years of Trump’s presidency.

    Democrats need to win at least four competitive Senate races in Trump-friendly states to win the majority, an uphill battle that has seemed like more of a possibility in recent weeks as the president’s popularity lags.

    Independent election experts consider Democrats to have a real chance of winning states like Texas, Iowa, and Alaska. Ohio, North Carolina and Maine are also official Democratic targets. Even Kansas, which Trump won by 16 percentage points in 2024, appeared to raise some level of concern for Republicans when Vice President JD Vance tried to boost the GOP incumbent this month.

    Neither of Pennsylvania’s U.S. Senate seats is on the ballot this fall. But if Democrats retake the majority by one or two votes, Fetterman’s role as a wild card — even one who votes with Democrats the vast majority of the time — could have an impact as his party tries to rein in or reverse the president’s agenda.

    “That would definitely be a concern of mine,” said Boyles, 74.

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    Fetterman has not said whether he will seek a second term in 2028, and he has repeatedly rejected the idea that he would switch parties.

    “I’m a lifelong Democrat who votes overwhelmingly with my party — and should the Senate flip in November, I will still be the 51st vote that I ran on,” he said in a statement while facing a new round of criticism for appearing by video at the GOP convention in Dallas this month.

    Pennsylvania’s U.S. Senators John Fetterman (left) and Dave McCormick appear together on June 29 to promote the savings accounts for kids that were a signature piece of President Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer

    Fetterman’s Democratic colleagues have tried to keep him in the fold.

    U.S. Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, a New York Democrat and chair of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, said this week that Fetterman is a “very reliable Democratic vote.” As she leads her party’s effort to win the Senate races, Gillibrand said, she does not have, nor has heard others having, concerns about Fetterman’s role in a slim Democratic majority.

    Asked if Fetterman — who appeared at a convention aimed at boosting Republican campaigns — was involved in the Democratic campaign efforts, Gillibrand said she thought Fetterman had visited some candidates but she was not sure.

    “I’m very grateful that Sen. Fetterman is serving in the U.S. Senate as a Democrat, and I think he will continue to do so,” Gillibrand said.

    Still, Fetterman has supported parts of Trump’s immigration enforcement agenda, the war in Iran, and some of the president’s nominees. Senate Democratic leaders would likely try to act as a check on Trump in each of those areas if they win the majority for the next two years.

    Fetterman has also left the door open to leaving the Democratic Party if it makes opposition to Israel an official party stance. The senator has not explained exactly what that situation would look like, though he has been highly critical of Democrats when they push back against the Israeli government’s war against Hamas.

    With the three-year anniversary of the conflict approaching on Oct. 7, more than 70,000 Palestinians have been killed and nearly all Gazans have been displaced, according to the Council on Foreign Relations. Critics say Israel’s military response has been excessive, while Fetterman has said he supports the war in order to root out Hamas fighters who initiated the war by killing more than 1,200 people in Israel in a terrorist attack.

    The latest poll of Pennsylvania voters shows Fetterman’s position is out of step with a majority of voters.

    Among Pennsylvania likely voters, 60% are against the U.S. providing additional economic and military support to Israel, compared with 34% who support it.

    Four in five Democrats, and about a third of Republicans, oppose the aid to Israel. In a sign that Fetterman would face a challenging reelection campaign, 63% of Democrats said they would support a candidate who opposed aid to Israel.

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    Victor Oyola, 47, of Philadelphia, said he considers himself a conservative Democrat and has no issues with politicians supporting Israel’s right to exist. But Fetterman has been more of a voice for the foreign nation than for his home state, he said, while also showing limited interest in other aspects of his position.

    “You don’t want to do the job, but you’re strongly supporting Israel over Pennsylvania?” said Oyola, who works in retirement management. “Everything is Israel, Israel, Israel. But what about Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania?”

    Reports of Fetterman’s lack of interest in doing routine aspects of his job as a senator also appear to have played a role in how Pennsylvanians view him.

    In a widely circulated story earlier this month, the Wall Street Journal reported that Fetterman tried to evade meetings with leaders at Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia and with wounded veterans, as well as a funeral for three York County police officers who were killed while on duty.

    Donald Harer, a Democrat from Northumberland who voted for Fetterman in 2022, said that he saw the story and that it seemed like the senator has “really not held his end of the bargain and done his job the way he’s supposed to.”

    As an Army veteran who served in Iraq, Harer said, he was particularly disappointed in Fetterman’s reported refusal to meet with wounded veterans.

    “When he campaigned, when he first started to run, he seemed like a go-getter,” said Harer, an operations manager for a grocery store. “But he let a lot of people down. I kind of call him a traitor.”

    Don Levy, the director of the Siena Research Institute, which conducted the poll, said he did not know if changes in Fetterman’s favorability ratings since last month could be attributed to the recent national attention on him.

    But with recent polls continuing to show Fetterman’s widespread cross-party support, his position as a Democratic darling for the GOP and antagonist for Democrats “looks pretty baked in,” Levy said.

    “The Republicans have now grown in their favorability for him, which may be a reflection of them starting to feel like ‘he’s one of us,’” Levy added. “And Democrats are even more upset with him for moving away from what they believe they elected him to do.”

    Staff writers Joe Yerardi and Gillian McGoldrick contributed to this article.

  • Chris Rabb’s former campaign treasurer pleads guilty to defrauding him and others of $1 million

    Chris Rabb’s former campaign treasurer pleads guilty to defrauding him and others of $1 million

    Philadelphia State Rep. Chris Rabb’s former campaign treasurer, whom he accused of draining his campaign account and disappearing in the middle of his run for Congress, pleaded guilty Wednesday to a federal fraud charge.

    Yolanda Brown, a campaign operative formerly based in Florida who worked for Democratic political candidates and social justice causes across the country, appeared in U.S. District Court in Philadelphia on Wednesday and pleaded guilty to one count of wire fraud. She admitted to embezzling a total of about $1 million from 20 clients, including Rabb, between 2022 and 2026.

    Brown, who now lives in Virginia, faces a maximum of 20 years in prison and will be required to pay restitution. A sentencing hearing is scheduled for Jan. 26.

    Rabb, a progressive, went on to win the Democratic nomination in May. He is expected to prevail in the November general election to represent Pennsylvania’s 3rd Congressional District. There is no Republican candidate, though he faces a long-shot independent opponent.

    Rabb did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    For years, fraud claims from several political campaigns piled up against Brown, who operated Brown Financial & Consulting Services Group and at times worked under her married name, Yolanda Rumph. She was accused of financial impropriety in several states, The Inquirer reported, including shaving money from accounts she controlled and embezzling from a nonprofit client.

    But she continued working in politics and, in August 2025, signed on to work for Rabb, who was in the midst of a highly competitive Democratic primary run for an open seat in Congress representing about half of Philadelphia.

    State Rep. Chris Rabb at an event with U.S. Rep. Ro Khanna July 28, 2026.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer

    In January, Ken Welch, the mayor of St. Petersburg, Fla., said that he had reported Brown to law enforcement after she misappropriated $207,000 from his campaign committee.

    The following month, Rabb said that Brown had made a series of unauthorized withdrawals from his campaign. The amount of money embezzled totaled more than $160,000, which constituted most of what was in his campaign’s account at the time, according to paperwork Rabb’s campaign filed with the Federal Election Commission.

    Khambrel Davis, Brown’s attorney, said in an interview with The Inquirer in March that Brown was innocent and merely the victim of a rogue employee who had stolen from her clients.

    But on Wednesday in court, Brown acknowledged that she executed a scheme to defraud her clients of hundreds of thousands of dollars.

    Assistant U.S. Attorney Robert Livermore told U.S. District Judge Chad F. Kenney that Brown “embezzled client funds in her control to pay for her own personal expenses without authorization from her clients.”

    He added that she “often used client funds to repay other clients from whom she had previously stolen funds.”

    In charging documents, prosecutors wrote that in one instance, Brown steered about $19,000 from the account belonging to Rabb’s campaign — identified in court filings as “Political Campaign #1″ — into a separate account that she controlled. She then transferred $6,000 of that money into her personal bank account.

    That transfer was one of multiple unauthorized transfers that Rabb’s campaign detected. Prosecutors often formally charge a limited scope of wrongdoing if a defendant has agreed to plead guilty.

    Prosecutors described the fraud perpetrated against Rabb’s campaign as part of an “overall scheme” in which Brown defrauded about 20 clients of a total of more than $1.4 million. They wrote that she had repaid clients more than $400,000, for a net loss of about $1 million.

  • N.J. Supreme Court refuses to hear appeal in Cherry Hill Democratic Committee battle over control

    N.J. Supreme Court refuses to hear appeal in Cherry Hill Democratic Committee battle over control

    Efforts by Democrats led by George E. Norcross III to unseat a dissident faction from control of the Cherry Hill Democratic Committee will not be considered by New Jersey’s highest court.

    The New Jersey Supreme Court on Sept. 16 denied a petition for certification filed by the Camden County Democratic Committee and committee chairman and State Sen. James Beach that would have challenged a state appellate court decision in April that allowed the South Jersey Progressive Democrats to name members of the committee.

    Three Cherry Hill residents who are members of the South Jersey Progressive Democrats won the June 2025 primary, defeating the Norcross group, which ran with names for all 74 seats on the ballot. Voters voted once, either for the progressives or the Norcross group.

    After their loss, the Camden County Democrats sued, challenging the progressives’ right to fill the 71 vacancies with members other than those who were listed in the losing group on the ballot.

    Voters elected the progressives over the Norcross group by a vote of 5,547 to 3,350, or 62% of the votes cast.

    At stake is control of the powerful Democratic Party in Cherry Hill, including candidate selection and choosing citizens to fill elected offices when they become open between elections. The Cherry Hill unit is also the largest single faction on the 522-member Camden County committee, which has even more power.

    “Having read the appeals panel decision, I had complete confidence that the New Jersey Supreme Court would deny certification in our case, ending the Camden County Democratic Committee’s colossal waste of donors’ money attempting to overturn the will of Cherry Hill voters,” one of the three winners, Rena Margulis, said in an email on Wednesday. The other two winners were David Stahl and Susan Druckenbrod.

    Margulis said that as of early September, the group has 47 Cherry Hill Democratic Committee members. She said Cherry Hill residents are being recruited to run in the Democratic primary next June.

    A call to Camden County Democratic Party headquarters for comment on the decision was not returned.

    70and73.com is a hyperlocal news site focused on South Jersey, including the communities of Cherry Hill, Evesham, Mount Laurel, Voorhees, Medford, Medford Lakes, and Moorestown.

  • Johnny Doc was a longtime Democratic power broker. But his ties to some Republicans helped free him from prison.

    Johnny Doc was a longtime Democratic power broker. But his ties to some Republicans helped free him from prison.

    John Dougherty was for years an unparalleled kingmaker in Philadelphia’s Democratic Party — a charismatic labor leader and fundraiser who helped anoint a generation of future mayors, City Council members, state and federal legislators, judges, and governors.

    But this year, while Dougherty was imprisoned for bribery and embezzlement convictions and desperately seeking an early release to help care for his gravely ill wife, it was a group of Republicans — and ultimately President Donald Trump — who worked to set him free.

    Some of Dougherty’s key supporters in his clemency push, The Inquirer has learned, included two former Republican congressmen; Dougherty’s lawyer, who once ran as a Republican for mayor and, later, for U.S. Senate; and a onetime candidate for Philadelphia City Council with ties to organized labor, who said he was one of Trump’s earliest local backers.

    All had relationships with Dougherty, owing to his years of political activism as head of Local 98 of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers — even if his support mostly benefited fellow Democrats.

    John Dougherty in 2015 with then-City Councilmember Jim Kenney. The two were childhood friends, and Dougherty helped support Kenney’s successful mayoral campaign.

    The former Council candidate, Daniel Pellicciotti, said his efforts to help Dougherty included meeting with Trump at the White House and speaking with him over the phone. Pellicciotti said that he told Trump about the significant health challenges faced by Dougherty’s wife, Cecelia, and that Trump was sympathetic to Dougherty’s situation — and willing to send him home.

    “He just said, ‘This is crazy.’ Exact words,” Pellicciotti said. “‘He needs to be home with his wife, taking care of her. Besides, it would be cheaper for the government.’”

    Former U.S. Rep. Lou Barletta, meanwhile, said he signed a letter to Trump last year and contacted anyone he could “just to try to get this on the president’s radar.”

    He said that he had been following Cecelia Dougherty’s health situation closely and that advocating for her husband “became a personal thing for me.” Earlier this year, he attended a court hearing in Reading at which Dougherty begged a judge to be released.

    “I’m very thankful that the president had the compassion to put politics aside and do the right thing,” said Barletta, who met Dougherty in the early 2000s as mayor of Hazleton.

    President Donald Trump with then-Rep. Lou Barletta in 2018.Keith Srakocic

    And Rick Santorum, a former U.S. senator who competed against Trump for the GOP’s presidential nomination in 2016, said he “did what he could to be helpful” in supporting Dougherty’s efforts.

    “Those two years Dougherty spent in jail away from his wife were probably 20 years because I know how much he loves her and how much he was really hurting,” Santorum said. “So to me, this was the humanitarian thing to do, and I supported it.”

    The backing from GOP pols may help explain how Trump — a famously partisan president — ended up granting clemency to a longtime Democrat in one of America’s bluest cities. Trump was soundly defeated in Philadelphia in each of his three elections, and some of Dougherty’s longtime Democratic allies were among his fiercest critics.

    The Republican lobbying might also add context to Dougherty’s decision to change his voter registration and join the GOP. Dougherty — long known as Johnny Doc — switched parties not long after being released this month from a federal penitentiary in Lewisburg, Pa.

    Dougherty has not spoken publicly since his release, and his lawyer, George Bochetto, said Dougherty was focused on caring for his wife.

    Bochetto, who ran for Philadelphia mayor in 1999 and U.S. Senate in 2022 — both times as a Republican — generally declined to discuss details about the lobbying effort. He did say he had been in regular communication with White House aides about Cecelia Dougherty’s health challenges, and he called Trump’s decision “a magnificent gesture of compassion.”

    The White House press office did not respond to questions about who was involved in advocating for Dougherty. A spokesperson said only that the commutation was granted to let him “care for [his] terminally ill wife.”

    Multiple attempts at release

    Dougherty and Bochetto had taken several paths to try to secure an early release from his six-year sentence, which began in 2024 after Dougherty was convicted in separate bribery and embezzlement trials.

    A few months after Dougherty reported to prison, Bochetto filed emergency motions asking U.S. District Judge Jeffrey L. Schmehl to allow Dougherty to serve the remainder of his term on house arrest so he could be his wife’s primary caretaker.

    Schmehl denied those requests twice — including after a hearing in May at which Dougherty testified about how he was the only person who could provide the type of round-the-clock assistance his wife needs. She has long been paralyzed and largely nonverbal after suffering a debilitating brain injury.

    John Dougherty in 2024.Steven M. Falk / Staff Photographer

    After failing to persuade the judge, Dougherty turned to others in his orbit as the request pivoted toward the White House — where Trump, as president, has wide latitude to commute sentences and grant pardons in federal cases.

    Trump was apparently not initially convinced. In July, he denied Dougherty’s commutation request along with those of about 5,600 other applicants, according to the Office of Pardon Attorney website.

    But his allies, including Pellicciotti, persisted. A former business agent for the laborers union, he said he was friends with Cecelia Dougherty before he knew her husband, and he has known both for decades.

    A former Democrat and nephew of the late Councilmember Francis Rafferty, Pellicciotti ran unsuccessfully for Council in 2003 with backing from Dougherty’s electricians union. He said he switched his registration to Republican when Trump ran for president and backed his 2016 campaign.

    “Nobody in Philly was really backing him. I have a lot of respect for him. He don’t forget his friends,” Pellicciotti said.

    In addition to their politics, Pellicciotti, 64, of Roxborough, shared something else with Trump: a felony conviction. Pellicciotti pleaded guilty in 2005 to bribing a Philadelphia public official with cash in exchange for obtaining a designation for his demolition company as a woman-owned business.

    When Pellicciotti was sentenced to probation and a fine the following year, Dougherty and other union members were in the courtroom to pat him on the back.

    That experience with the criminal justice system did not come up in Pellicciotti’s conversations with Trump, however. “I really think it had strictly to do with him doing the right thing for John and Celi,” he said.

    Help among friends

    Barletta and Santorum declined to provide many details about the depths of their advocacy but agreed that their central motivation was support for Dougherty and his wife.

    In addition to Dougherty’s long friendship with Barletta, his ties to Santorum date to 2006, when his former union, Local 98, backed Santorum’s unsuccessful reelection campaign against Democratic challenger Bob Casey.

    Santorum said Dougherty was always uncharacteristically gracious about acts that benefited his members — despite the senator’s political affiliation.

    “Johnny cared enough that he said, ‘Well, look, this guy has done more for my workers and those families than anybody, and we’re going to support him,’” Santorum said.

    Former U.S. Sen. Rick Santorum announcing his candidacy for the 2016 presidential race.KEITH SRAKOCIC / Associated Press

    Other local figures with ties to Trump who were rumored to have helped Dougherty’s lobbying — such as Philadelphia lawyers Michael van der Veen and William J. Brennan, who represented Trump during his second impeachment trial — declined to say if they were involved.

    In any case, Trump made Dougherty’s release official earlier this month. In addition to cutting his prison term short, the commutation erased Dougherty’s obligation to pay about $1.6 million in restitution.

    Pellicciotti, for his part, was glad that Trump bestowed mercy on his longtime associate.

    “All credit goes to God,” he said. “We did a lot of praying about it.”

    Staff writers Gillian McGoldrick and Anna Orso contributed to this article.

  • Gov. Josh Shapiro has raised $60 million for his reelection campaign. What will he do with it?

    Gov. Josh Shapiro has raised $60 million for his reelection campaign. What will he do with it?

    Gov. Josh Shapiro has raised more than $60 million toward his reelection effort since he took office, his campaign said Tuesday.

    According to the campaign, those preliminary figures mean that the first-term Democratic governor has added $13.3 million to his war chest since June, as he maintains a significant fundraising edge over his Republican opponent Stacy Garrity.

    Filings on Tuesday showed Garrity had raised around $1.8 million this cycle, with her campaign coffers nearing $3 million. After spending $1.5 million, she will enter October with roughly $1.4 million cash on hand.

    So with a massive cash advantage, where will Shapiro’s campaign money go? And could anyone else benefit from his spending?

    Even as he pulls ahead in polls, Shapiro has spent heavily on advertising. His campaign has promised he’s keeping his foot on the gas through Election Day in efforts to secure his own victory and elect Pennsylvania Democrats up and down the ballot in hopes of flipping the state Senate and electing Democrats in four battleground congressional districts. He’s donated roughly $5.7 million in total to the state party to fuel the effort, an additional $2.5 million since June, according to his campaign.

    Beyond the November election, he’s widely expected to launch another campaign as a 2028 presidential prospect. Although the law prevents him from transferring his gubernatorial campaign money into a political action committee that funds a run for president, that doesn’t mean he’ll spend all his fundraised money before this year’s election, experts said.

    In the governor’s race, the first checks he owes are paying for campaign staff salaries, spending money on advertising, and renting leases for field offices, among other costs, according to campaign experts. As a careful politician, he’d likely also want to reserve a fair amount of cash for surprise developments in the race, they said.

    But after all of Shapiro’s receipts are accounted for, experts said, a potentially large stock could remain available, presenting him with options for how to spend it — if at all.

    Daniel Weiner, the director of elections and government at the Brennan Center for Justice, said Shapiro has several options available.

    “It is incredibly common for candidates who are not facing an especially competitive race to still try to raise money hand over fist and amass a war chest,” Weiner said. “It can be used to fund a future run for office of one sort or another. It can also be used, increasingly in this era of very deregulated money in politics to just build a general political machine.”

    Keeping it in the party

    Shapiro, who has maintained high favorability among both Democrats and Republicans, has established himself as a formidable fundraiser, bringing in dollars from across the commonwealth and the nation. Donors can give him as much as they’d like, since there is no limit on political contributions in Pennsylvania, said Matthew Foster, a professor of political science at American University.

    “There’s a lot of ways for politicians to use political cash to help their allies and to help their team,” said Michael Beckel, an expert on money in politics at Issue One, a Washington, D.C.-based bipartisan nonprofit. “They can spread that money around to help people who need it. And there’s certainly a lot of people who might potentially want help from a big name like Governor Shapiro.”

    Pennsylvania law allows Shapiro to transfer endless amounts of money from his campaign account to other state candidates. His campaign said he had not given any money directly to state candidates, but that he has supported them in other ways.

    He is also not allowed to transfer money from his gubernatorial campaign to any congressional candidates.

    Instead, he has poured money into the state party.

    Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro accepts the endorsement for a second term as governor at the state Democratic Party’s winter meeting in Harrisburg on Feb. 7, 2026.Gillian McGoldrick

    Since last fall, Shapiro has given $5.7 million to the state Democratic Party and its election effort. That money is used to benefit Shapiro as well as state Senate and congressional candidates by pooling funds for their field offices, signage and volunteers.

    “A donation to the state party historically has helped get the vote out statewide,” said Philadelphia-based Democratic strategist Adam Erickson.

    Plus, donating to the state party versus national groups helps to ensure the money is spent on Pennsylvania races, Weiner added.

    Pennsylvania Republicans have held on to the state Senate for more than 30 years, even as the House chamber and governor’s mansion have swapped partisan control and are currently both occupied by Democrats.

    This year, Democrats have “a strong opportunity to flip the state Senate,” Erickson said, but that the effort will take “an unprecedented amount of spending” from Shapiro and the state party.

    Often, Shapiro has appeared alongside candidates at campaign events, rather than donating to them. On Sunday, Shapiro joined Democrats in Chester and Montgomery Counties to kick off door-knocking and phone-banking efforts benefitting several legislative candidates, such as state House candidate Elizabeth Moro in Chadds Ford and state Senate candidate Chris Thomas in Harleysville.

    “Under Governor Shapiro’s leadership, the Party is rallying support all across the Commonwealth and putting Democrats in a strong position to win everywhere this November,” said Manuel Bonder, a spokesperson for Shapiro’s campaign.

    Campaign volunteers hand out sign to supporters of Gov. Josh Shapiro and Democratic Pa. Senate candidate Chris Thomas at a rally in Towamencin, Montgomery County before heading out to canvass Sunday, Sept. 29, 2026. Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer

    From Pennsylvania to Pennsylvania Avenue

    Shapiro has batted away questions about his presidential ambitions, saying he’s focused solely on his gubernatorial reelection, but he has many of the signs of a future candidate: a book tour, frequent hits on cable television, and a voice on key issues likely to emerge in the next Democratic presidential primary.

    Tim Ford, an attorney who handles legal concerns for Democratic campaigns in Pennsylvania, said Shapiro’s sizable bank account is “also a flex to show he’s capable of raising this kind of money,” and another clue that he may be eyeing a higher office.

    If Shapiro does choose to run for president, he’s not allowed to legally transfer his state-level campaign fundraising to a federal political action committee associated with his campaign.

    “One thing that I think people get wrong is they believe that he’s raising money for his next office,” Erickson said.

    Governor Shapiro (left) and Democratic congressional candidate Bob Brooks (right) greet supporters during a campaign event at the United Steelworkers Union Hall in Bethlehem on July 26, 2026.David Maialetti / Staff Photographer

    That would put him at a slight disadvantage compared to any sitting federal elected officials who can spend their campaign funds on a presidential run and who are also speculated 2028 presidential contenders, including U.S. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and U.S. Sens. Mark Kelly and Jon Ossoff, who has been the top fundraiser this midterm cycle.

    Still, Shapiro’s cash stockpile “sends a message that he’s been a successful fundraiser,” Beckel said. “While past performance doesn’t guarantee future results, he certainly would try to [leverage] that to his advantage to say, ‘I’ve been a successful fundraiser in the past, I will be a successful fundraiser in the future’.”

    Former staff or associates could create a federal super PAC, a type of political action committee that can take in and spend unlimited contributions but must do so independently of a candidate and without directly coordinating with the campaign. Shapiro could repurpose his state campaign account into that super PAC, Weiner said, but he would have no say on the messaging in ads or how money is spent.

    While this practice of loose coordination skirts the spirit of the law, Weiner said it often goes unenforced.

    “In theory, super PACs are supposed to be independent from candidates, but in practice, they work hand-in-glove with them,” he said.

    Former staffers of Maryland Democratic Gov. Wes Moore, another potential 2028 contender, have established the Unity First PAC. Moore has headlined fundraisers for the group, but is not technically in control of the PAC.

    California Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom, who may also run for president, launched a super PAC called Campaign for Democracy. The PAC has poured $1.7 million into state party and legislative committee races, mostly in South Carolina, where Democrats will hold the first contest of the presidential primary race in 2028.

    There are no official records that Shapiro, or those associated with him, have created a super PAC, according to FEC filings.

    Super PACs have earned a negative reputation in some circles, particularly among Democrats who view them as a means to give wealthy donors outsized influence on elections. But in 2028, Shapiro and other Democrats will be under pressure to use all the tools available to them, Weiner said.

    It’s a difficult bind, said Faith Williams, who works on anti-corruption and accountability efforts at Common Cause, a democracy-focused nonprofit.

    “Our system is not good,” she said. “But at the moment everyone is playing in it, and that I think that makes it even harder to reform it because it’s hard to have the genuine desire to reform a system that currently benefits you.”

    Shapiro could also develop a nonprofit organization with his campaign funds. The 501(c)(4) groups, which can spend on political ads but cannot make electoral activity their primary focus, are under no legal obligation to disclose their donors. In some cases, this opens the door to donations from so-called “dark money” groups, or those that obscure the role of their funders.

    Experts pointed out that he could also use his leftover money for his second gubernatorial inauguration or donate it to charity. And, in an unlikely maneuver, Williams said Shapiro could refund his donors and ask everyone to donate again to a federal campaign.

    But the best way to get from Pennsylvania to Pennsylvania Avenue, Erickson said, would be to ensure success in the statewide elections this year.

    “Playing a large role in flipping the state Senate will put him in the best position going into 2027 and beyond for any larger aspirations,” he said.

    Brothers Desmond DeBaun, 5, and David Hayman, 16, after a rally with Gov. Shapiro and Democratic Pa. Senate candidate Chris Thomas in Montgomery County Sunday, Sept. 29, 2026. Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer
  • War, AI, and the end of the world | Will Bunch Newsletter

    War, AI, and the end of the world | Will Bunch Newsletter

    I feel like I need to apologize for a column a couple of months ago when I compared the current president of the United States to Caligula, the possibly mad Roman emperor who is said to have nominated his trusted horse for high office. I need to apologize to Caligula. From pitching his triumphal D.C. arch as a storage shed for deadly snipers’ bullets to banning reporters from the White House in a narcissistic rage, Donald Trump is losing his grip on reality. This is unsustainable.

    If someone forwarded you this email, sign up for free here.

    Worried about AI killing humans? Bad news: It already is.

    A cleric takes a photograph earlier this month at the shattered Shajareh Tayyebeh school in Minab, southern Iran. It has become a place of mourning and a memorial to those killed in a U.S. airstrike on Feb. 28.Vahid Salemi

    Which is it?

    Are the robots of AI, or artificial intelligence, so smart that they’re on the verge of holding a secret meetup in the darkest corner of the dark web and developing a plot to kill all humans through germ warfare, to make sure we don’t kill them first by pulling the plug?

    Or is AI so dumb — artificial stupidity, despite the billionaires of Silicon Valley showing up daily on our TV screen to brag about the sky-high IQ of their son, Claude — that the thing that will murder us is a crazy hallucination that will turn a false alarm into World War III?

    The fact that we can’t answer this should give us pause, but maybe we aren’t even asking the right question. Maybe the real issue is how easy we’ve made it to kill off the human race — a capability that was already created by people even before we invented the computer.

    One thing is certain. Artificial intelligence has already been an accessory to mass murder, and if we do nothing, it will kill again.

    Remember the very first days of the now seemingly endless Iran war, and the news that two missile strikes had obliterated a school for young children in the Iranian coastal city of Minab, in an apparent “double-tap” strike in which the second attack from the skies killed young girls and boys and their teachers as they huddled in a prayer hall?

    Those bombings, which killed 156 people on Feb. 28, caused the United Nations’ Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Iran to report last week that it found “reasonable grounds to believe that the United States committed a war crime by launching indiscriminate attacks …” The U.S. government has never taken responsibility for the bloodshed, despite overwhelming visual evidence that the bombs were precision-guided U.S. Tomahawk missiles.

    It didn’t take long for additional speculation that an AI program had mistakenly targeted the school, perhaps using outdated maps and info from an earlier time when its buildings were attached to an Iranian military complex. After all, the Pentagon has been openly bragging about the death and destruction facilitated by its use of Palantir’s Smart Maven System and also Anthropic’s Claude.

    Last week, Bloomberg News reported that the Pentagon’s overreliance on AI, and specifically the Palantir Maven program, was a major factor in the school tragedy, along with the outdated intelligence about the Minab site — the “garbage in.” Its exposé noted that U.S. military planners were racing to identify some 1,000 Iranian targets in the early hours of the war, giving humans little time to double-check the list. Kindergartners were slaughtered as a result.

    This was hardly the first time robots have been linked to human death, both in war — in 2024, +924 Magazine reported the Israel Defense Forces were using an AI program code-named “Lavender” to target sites amid the mass killing in Gaza — and in peace, as shown by numerous accounts of robots helping troubled people die by suicide.

    And yet, it could have been much, much worse. At the same time as the Bloomberg report on the AI link to the mass killing in Iran, the world also learned that a false report generated by robot intelligence nearly sparked a conflict between the United States and China that could conceivably have spiraled into major fighting.

    CNN and other outlets have reported that a U.S. special operations command analyst working with AI generated an urgent report that a Chinese ship bound toward the Middle East was carrying components for a nuclear weapons system, which caused military leaders to scramble jets and assemble a team to seize the vessel.

    Only at the last minute did the Pentagon dig deeper and learn the AI-generated report was completely false, a hallucination — one that nearly triggered a violent conflict between the world’s two largest military powers.

    The two disturbing reports about the use, or misuse, of AI by the U.S. military in a time of war did make news but didn’t get nearly as much attention — either in the media or on sites like Bluesky or X — as warnings from both whistleblowers and CEOs in Silicon Valley that a swarm of robots could decide on their own and without any human intervention or awareness to try to kill off our so-called civilization.

    The fear of an unprompted attack from AI secret agents is real, based on several incidents that have already occurred, including a well-planned and partly successful operation by OpenAI’s robot agents to hack into a company called Hugging Face.

    Still, it says something about human intelligence that we are captivated by the unknown and mysterious possibility of a random attack, while the fact that people are currently misusing AI to cause death and suffering is a less compelling story. I noted in this space last week that the threat to humankind from climate change is arguably even more real — and yet this gets denied by many and ignored by others.

    It’s also striking to me as a boomer born in 1959 that a generation that was born into a time of constant terror — backyard bomb shelters, “duck and cover” drills in the classroom, and sci-fi horror at the drive-in that an atomic arms race could kill us at any moment — is suddenly back to where we started.

    Over 81 years, humans were smart enough never to drop another nuclear weapon (well, not intentionally) after the mass murders at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, but not bright enough to figure out how to eliminate the nuclear threat altogether.

    The fact that civilization managed to — so far — pause the number of world wars at two has given us the space and the false bravado to create new and much more insidious killing machines, and the threat from invisible robots on a hidden dark web is somehow even scarier than the radioactive mushroom cloud that we more or less understand.

    Boomers who went to bed as kids in the 1950s and ’60s praying we wouldn’t die before we woke are now spending our senior-citizen-discount years fearful that something stranger than science fiction is coming for our children, or grandchildren. Over the course of a lifetime, the arc of that moral universe has not bent at all.

    Still, humans were able, somehow, to prevent nuclear annihilation so far, and now it’s past time to get to work on the actual threats from AI and start on those workarounds. For example, the articles I’ve read speculating on how the robots plan to kill us frequently mention the prospect of AI agents developing bioweapons and releasing them, either on their own or prompted by a bad actor. (In theory, human development of bioweapons has been banned for a half century.)

    From everything I’ve read so far about AI, it sounds like we’d have better luck safeguarding or eliminating the components that could make a biological agent rather than stopping the robots. Likewise, AI agents would not be able to start an atomic apocalypse if our human politicians went to work at finally eliminating nuclear weapons. Artificial intelligence won’t kill little girls in an Iranian school if humans don’t start dumb wars in the first place.

    If Silicon Valley’s prophets of doom are serious, there’s no fix that’s too big or too ambitious. But understand that the biggest problem isn’t that AI wants to murder us, but that since 1942 we humans have been busy creating all the suicidal weapons AI agents could use.

    Can you even “duck and cover” from a killer robot? I don’t intend to find out, and I don’t want my yet-to-be-born grandchildren to have to even think about it.

    Yo, do this!

    • I’ve always been a big fan of filmmaker Barry Levinson, whose trilogy of Baltimore movies (Diner, Tin Men, Avalon) defined postwar American nostalgia. Now Levinson, along with his codirector Robert May, has come north to the Philly burbs to catch up with our divisive 21st century in a five-part documentary, Bucks County, U.S.A. If you’ve been reading The Inquirer these last six years, you know how the communities just north of Philadelphia — where cosmopolitan suburbs meet the rolling fields of Trump Country — have become ground zero for culture wars around the COVID-19 response, book banning, and LGBTQ pride. Bucks County, U.S.A. began streaming on PBS Monday night. It’s getting mixed reviews, but I plan to check it out myself.
    • With the exception of my growing obsession with A History of Rock Music in 500 Songs, I’ve struggled the last few years to find new podcasts that excite me. But I’ve been enjoying Dan Taberski’s Manifesto on Audible, which is the award-winning, prolific podcaster’s six-part look at the role that these impassioned declarations have — or haven’t — played in reshaping our troubled world, from Occupy Wall Street to Big Tech utopianism to the online rant of murderous ex-LA cop Christopher Dorner.

    Ask me anything

    Question: What is the reason for the boat strikes? Do they really think they are carrying drugs? — David Poe (@culthero12.bsky.social) via Bluesky

    Answer: David, your question is well-timed. Just this week, Ben Saul, the U.N. special rapporteur monitoring human rights in the context of counterterrorism, issued a report that U.S. boat strikes off South America in the Caribbean and the Pacific that have killed more than 220 people so far violate international law and plausibly constitute crimes against humanity. Based on the reports I’ve read about the deadly drone strikes, it’s true that small fishing boats in the region are sometimes drafted for a supporting bit role in drug trafficking. Yet, it seems powerfully likely that some murdered in the U.S. attacks were innocent fishermen, and there’s no evidence these bombings have made any real dent in the flow of drugs. Most importantly, since when did minor involvement in drug smuggling become a capital offense? The only thing as troubling as these American war crimes is the silence on Capitol Hill. The next Congress must hold hearings and create the momentum for shutting this down.

    What you’re saying about …

    Oops, maybe I should have read my emails before writing another column about the problems with artificial intelligence. Based on the lack of responses to last week’s question about the AI threat, this is clearly not a topic that excites my readers like the betrayals by Sen. John Fetterman or the mainstream media. A couple of frequent correspondents did weigh in, including Mary Ann Petro, who is very concerned over reports of unauthorized hacking by AI agents, and Joe Stepansky, who thinks the risks are somewhat overblown. “This is all deflection from data center opposition and the stock market bubble,” he wrote. “Just remember there are humans behind all of this, humans who may be amoral at best (I used to work with some) and malicious at worst (them too).”

    📮 This week’s question: The big story for several days has been the fallout from Donald Trump’s rash decision to ban three news outlets — CNN, MS NOW, and Politico — from the White House grounds, in a move that experts agree is a violation of the First Amendment. Do you think the entire presidential press pool should walk out in solidarity, or do Americans need audio and video of what their president is up to? Please email me your answer and put the exact phrase “White House press corps” in the subject line.

    Backstory on George W. Bush’s betrayal of democracy

    Former President George W. Bush reacts while watching players from the U.S. team practice before the Walker Cup golf matches against Great Britain and Ireland at Cypress Point Club in Pebble Beach, Calif., earlier this month.Jeff Chiu

    For those of us who experienced a political reawakening during those dreadful years between the U.S. Supreme Court’s coronation of a president in the disputed 2000 election and the shock-and-awe carpet bombing of Baghdad in 2003, today’s frequent refrain is incredibly grating. “I never thought I’d say this,” says some self-proclaimed Democrat, often a boomer, “but I’m feeling nostalgic for George W. Bush.”

    To be sure, the 43rd president wasn’t nearly as nakedly corrupt as Donald Trump and his family, not as crude and boorish, and also more determined to at least make it look like what he was doing was constitutional. There were flashes of goodness — like Bush’s support for fighting the AIDS epidemic in Africa — which stand out today because there are so few of them. But his lies — and there were a lot of them, even if he could never match Trump — were more diabolically purposeful.

    Bush sent a lot more Americans to an early grave — at least so far — than Trump has, on top of a lot of women and children in Iraq and other faraway lands. His people “tortured some folks” and committed war crimes. There is nothing to be nostalgic about. After more than 7,000 U.S. troops died in Iraq and Afghanistan and the slaughter of at least 200,000 civilians in Iraq, not to mention the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression and the deadly, racist neglect of Hurricane Katrina, Bush didn’t apologize. He bought an easel and leisurely painted, and waited for America to do what it does best: Forget.

    The stench of dead bodies in Fallujah had barely lifted when none other than Joe Biden came to Philadelphia to drape the Liberty Medal around Bush’s neck. When Trump descended on his gilded escalator in 2015 to finish the job of trashing America that had started in Iraq, Bush said nothing other than to let it be known that he’d left his 2016 ballot blank. When even his despised vice president Dick Cheney came out in 2024 and said a second Trump term would be a disaster for democracy, Bush again said nothing, insisting that he has “retired from presidential politics.”

    Apparently congressional politics is another story. On Monday, it was revealed that Bush and his fellow Texan Sen. John Cornyn — a lame duck after losing a primary to Trump-backed Ken Paxton — have teamed up to throw a massive fundraiser in Dallas for six GOP Senate candidates in battleground states. The touting of Bush as a “special guest” at the event is meant to lure conservative donors. The New York Times, in its scoop on the evening, played up the fact that the event is not raising money for Paxton, going with the angle of a Texas-sized political feud.

    Just like the Democrats who are willing, in the Trump era, to turn a war criminal into an icon of civility, the Times is missing the point. Electing these GOP Senate candidates in states like Iowa and Maine will give Trump the ability to extend aspects of his dictatorship for two more agonizing years. The would-be senators Bush is raising money for would rubber-stamp new MAGA judges and allow Trump to replace Supreme Court Justices Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas with younger far-right zealots. Senate committees would lack the power to investigate the president’s high crimes and misdemeanors. That could finish the job Bush started when he lied to Congress about Iraq “weapons of mass destruction” that did not exist: The implosion of U.S. democracy.

    What I wrote on this date in 2009

    It’s weird now to read what survives of my early Attytood blog posts from the late 2000s, when many days I published just a quick hit while I worked on longer news articles for the Daily News. On Sept. 22, 2009, I quoted a prediction from internet guru Clay Shirky that seems incredibly prescient 17 years later. Shirky said that “the ongoing shrinkage of newspapers is likely to create a ‘giant hole’ that will not be filled for some time. He said he has a vision of communities of 10,000 people or fewer becoming rife with ‘casual endemic corruption,’ as newspapers are no longer able to fulfill their traditional watchdog roles.” He nailed it.

    Read the rest: “Expert says death of newspapers will make small towns more like Philadelphia.”

    Recommended Inquirer reading

    • Nothing has been more troubling in 2026 than the assault on the First Amendment that’s been taking place from Donald Trump’s Oval Office to our hometown council meetings, and even our football palaces. In my Sunday column, which was written before the president booted three news organizations from the White House, I looked at the growing hostility and even violence toward working journalists, including arrests, physical assaults, and Trump’s rants toward Black female journalists. Tolerance of these abuses is a mark of a dying democracy. Over the weekend, I shifted gears and tackled the Eagles’ silence over the team’s reported role in the cancellation of hip-hop’s pro-Palestinian Macklemore from the Ed Sheeran tour that stopped at Lincoln Financial Field on Saturday. How can free speech be censored in a city-owned stadium?
    • Speaking of those Birds, the city’s $10 billion NFL franchise was conveniently hundreds of miles away in Nashville as pro-Palestinian protesters descended on the Linc this weekend. The Eagles eked out a last-second victory by the seat of QB Jalen Hurts’ pants, over the seemingly hapless Tennessee Titans. The unimpressive showing cemented the notion that it’s impossible to know what to make of Philly’s 2-0 footballers after their narrow wins over mediocre opponents, but The Inquirer is on the case. Our extensive coverage looked at the good (standout performances from Hurts and No. 1 wide receiver DeVonta Smith), the bad (the subpar play of a battered and aging offensive line), and the unexpected (the return of Super Bowl hero Zack Ertz due to injuries in the tight-end corps). Ace columnist Mike Sielski recently went deep, as usual, with a humanitarian look at guard Landon Dickerson’s tortured decision to try to play through the pain. The Inquirer’s sportswriters are likely to rack up more wins this fall than an iffy team, so why not subscribe and read every word.

    By submitting your written, visual, and/or audio contributions, you agree to The Inquirer’s Terms of Use, including the grant of rights in Section 10.

  • Mikie Sherrill elevated Dale Caldwell to new heights. His supporters say his reputation is being unfairly tarnished.

    Mikie Sherrill elevated Dale Caldwell to new heights. His supporters say his reputation is being unfairly tarnished.

    During the whirlwind spectacle of his daughter’s Sept. 1 wedding, business leader Duvi Honig noticed his guest, Lt. Gov. Dale Caldwell, was sharing his business card and private cell phone number with everyone he met.

    Honig said he told Caldwell to stop — he was there as a friend and he wanted him to relax and have fun. Caldwell assured him that in his role as Gov. Mikie Sherrill’s liaison to the business community, he was happy to help anyone in need, Honig recalled.

    So when Honig read the news days later that Caldwell, a minister, was the subject of a monthslong ethics investigation for allegedly giving business cards to women he wanted to date, among other claims, he said he had to defend the lieutenant governor. No one else seemed to be speaking up for him, he said.

    “I thought, ‘What the heck is this?’ What I witnessed — him being overly nice to everyone — is being used against him?” said Honig, a Lakewood resident and founder of the national Orthodox Jewish Chamber of Commerce. “He is a special person. He is accessible to anyone and he has no agenda.”

    Lt. Gov. Dale Caldwell plays with a soccer ball at the Collingswood World Cup fan fest on July 19.Courtesy Camden County

    Now that Caldwell’s name and political future are tied to an investigation — which Sherrill will not confirm but is privately being carried out by a former state attorney general — some of his friends and colleagues are rushing to his defense to answer the question: Who is Dale Caldwell?

    Before the investigation became public, Sherrill, a rising star in the Democratic Party, had been hitting the road for the party’s candidates in key congressional races, transferring the gubernatorial powers and responsibilities to Caldwell when she left the state.

    But she has since curtailed her travel while the investigation drags on amid Republican criticism and concerns from members of her own party, according to three veteran Democrats who were involved in her campaign or have ties to her administration who were not authorized to comment publicly.

    “She is failing at the most important time” by not being able to campaign, said one veteran adviser.

    The governor recently made trips to New York City for a 9/11 memorial event and a live interview with the Atlantic, but she did not make Caldwell acting governor because of an exception that allows travel across the river.

    “We’re not going to speculate about the Governor’s schedule, but her priorities are always guided by the best interests of New Jerseyans,” Sherrill spokesperson Sean Higgins said in a statement.

    Gov. Mikie Sherrill (right) stands beside New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani at the National September 11 Memorial in lower Manhattan on Sept. 11, 2026. Hiroko Masuike

    Democratic power players have privately expressed frustration that Sherrill has left them in the dark about the probe while Republicans call for Caldwell’s resignation. Sherrill said in a statement days after the news broke that “any credible report must be fully examined and addressed.”

    The veteran campaign adviser, who is close to both Caldwell and Sherrill, said the two have not spoken directly with each other as the investigation proceeds.

    An unknown politician elevated to new heights

    When Sherrill selected Caldwell as her running mate in July 2025, he was largely unknown in New Jersey’s political arena. He was not her first choice, according to two of the veteran Democrats.

    A senior campaign adviser, impressed with Caldwell’s resumé and “unblemished public record,” recommended the pick. It dramatically raised his public profile to new heights in a role that would entrust him to lead the state in Sherrill’s absence.

    The 66-year-old divorced minister with degrees from Princeton University and the University of Pennsylvania previously served as the first Black president of Centenary University. He worked as deputy commissioner of community affairs in former Democratic Gov. James McGreevey’s administration more than 20 years ago.

    Lt. Gov. Dale Caldwell embraces his daughter Ashley Caldwell after she introduced him at Sherrill’s election night party in East Brunswick on Nov. 4, 2025.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer

    He also held a seat on the New Brunswick Board of Education for nearly three decades and founded charter schools in Asbury Park and Trenton.

    Last year, the state comptroller’s office interviewed Caldwell, a founder and then-board president at the College Achieve Greater Asbury Park Charter School, as part of its ongoing investigation into whether the school had violated public contract laws and misused public funds.

    Caldwell is the first man and third Black person to serve as lieutenant governor. He quickly embraced the opportunity to be Sherrill’s No. 2, a campaign adviser said.

    “Their dynamic [between Sherrill and Caldwell] was terrific. Reports coming back on his appearances were all very positive and they got off on a strong start on inauguration day, as far as I knew,” the adviser said.

    One person close to the campaign, however, said after the election Caldwell asked others how he should do the job.

    “You are there as the governor’s person. You report to the governor and chief of staff,” the source said. “He laughed. I think he was trying to do his own thing.”

    New Jersey Gov. Mikie Sherrill and Lt. Gov. Dale Caldwell celebrate their victory on Nov. 4, 2025, in East Brunswick.Kevin R. Wexler, Kevin R. Wexler

    The investigation, sparked by at least one anonymous complaint, began more than four months ago, according to the campaign adviser.

    The complaint accused Caldwell of bringing uninvited women to events and handing his business card out to women he wanted to date. And a state employee accused him of making inappropriate comments, the New York Times reported.

    Caldwell declined a request for an interview through a spokesperson. His attorney, Thomas Calgagni in Newark, did not respond to requests for comment.

    Caldwell denied the allegations and suggested racism was a factor in a May 28 letter to the state’s chief ethics officer, noting that he is “the first single Black man to serve at this level in government,” and that “in this current political environment, false accusations, especially against people of color, seem to be commonplace,” which was first reported by BINJE.com.

    “I have never asked anyone out on a date, ‘hit on,’ or pursued anyone romantically while conducting official business as Lieutenant Governor and Secretary of State,” his letter said. “Throughout my career in government, higher education, nonprofit leadership, ministry and public service, I have consistently conducted myself professionally and respectfully.”

    Lt. Gov. Dale Caldwell (center) applauds as Gov. Mikie Sherrill finishes her budget address March 10 in the Assembly Chamber at the New Jersey State House.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer

    Former congressional candidate Tim Alexander, an Atlantic County-based civil rights attorney, got to know Caldwell while working on the campaign trail for Sherrill in South Jersey last year. He sang Caldwell’s praises and said he believes he is “good for the state.”

    Alexander, a former detective, said Caldwell supported his congressional bid but stepped away to avoid a conflict as the new secretary of state, which he called a “testament to his character.” The former candidate, who is Black, said he cannot believe race is a factor in the allegations without knowing more.

    “Dale has impeccable credentials, and he also has Black skin. So there’s a lot that I could opine on, but when it comes to investigations, I got to leave it out. … If we have confirmation bias, it turns the investigation to trash,” he said.

    Fighting back, with help

    Last week, a small band of friends and colleagues spoke out to condemn the vague allegations, the snail’s pace of the investigation, and the permanent harm to Caldwell’s reputation no matter the outcome.

    Felicia Simmons of Asbury Park was one of several friends to rush to Caldwell’s defense last week by questioning the legitimacy of the investigation. She helped organize one of the events in question — the Whitesboro Black History Gala, an event in April recognizing the preservation efforts of the state’s first planned Black community, located in Cape May County.

    Simmons said she invited the lieutenant governor to hand out proclamations to honorees. She said she saw no questionable behavior on his part.

    “It was very meaningful for him to be here,” she added.

    Lt. Gov. Dale Caldwell walks with Collingswood Mayor Daniela Solano-Ward in Collingswood on July 19 before reports of the investigation.Courtesy Camden County

    Caldwell’s staff alerted her prior to the event that he would be bringing guests, which is not unusual because many dignitaries seldom travel alone, Simmons said.

    And after all these months, no one from former Attorney General Christopher Porrino’s law firm, which is leading the probe, has spoken to her yet — even after she issued a statement criticizing investigators for not contacting her.

    “I feel highly offended,” she said.

    Lt. Gov. Dale Caldwell (third from the right) attended the Whitesboro Black History Gala in April, at the invitation of Felicia Simmons (center). He is the target of an ethics investigation after an anonymous complaint said he acted inappropriately around women, including at this event. Simmons denies the allegation.Courtesy of Felicia Simmons

    Caldwell “comes from a line of men with integrity,” noting his father marched with the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., she said.

    “I truly believe Gov. Mikie Sherrill made the right choice picking this man and we can’t just sit back,” Simmons said. “These awful allegations could follow him for the rest of his life.”

    Albert Stark, from the Philadelphia- and Marlton-based law firm Stark & Stark, also came to Caldwell’s defense in an interview, calling him a reliable friend and public servant. Stark said Caldwell, a pioneer in bringing tennis to young Black youth, helped establish the National Junior Tennis and Learning network in Trenton.

    When he first heard about the scandal, Stark said, he wondered: “Who was setting him up?”

    They haven’t spoken since the investigation was publicized, he said, but he offered this advice: “‘Just be yourself. You’re a terrific guy.’ He has got nothing to be ashamed of.”

    ‘They are trying to destroy his integrity’

    Before the investigation leaked, Caldwell spent his summer visiting with business leaders and elected officials throughout the state, including in South Jersey. Local leaders did not comment on the accusations but said they appreciated Caldwell spending time in the region.

    Collingswood Mayor Daniela Solano-Ward said Caldwell visited her small borough for the second time for its World Cup fan fest. Caldwell kicked a soccer ball around with the mayor, thanked volunteers, and fist-bumped Deputy Mayor Amy Henderson Riley’s daughter. He posed with local vendors, smiled in front of a “giggle juice slushies” menu at Racoon Taproom, and chatted with kids at the All Fired Up! pottery studio.

    Lt. Gov. Dale Caldwell poses at Racoon Taproom in Collingswood on July 19.Courtesy Camden County

    “He was kind and respectful, and seemed like he was very engaged in the things we were saying,” she said, noting that their interactions were limited.

    As acting governor he visited Campbell’s and the Philadelphia 76ers training facility in Camden for an economic development tour in August, and he returned later that month for a Chamber of Commerce Southern New Jersey resource fair alongside Camden Mayor Vic Carstarphen, a Democrat who declined to discuss Caldwell.

    New Jersey Democrats have not been rushing to defend Caldwell, who has become a complicated topic for them with the extent of the allegations against him unclear.

    Gerard Cleaves, a professor at Pillar College, a private evangelical Christian school in Newark, said he was angry at the Democrats who, he believes, are “out there fanning the smoke” by leaking tidbits of the investigation and not offering public support.

    “They are trying to destroy his integrity,” he said.

    “I am an old, white male Republican conservative who worked very hard to get [Sherrill’s GOP opponent] Jack Ciattarelli elected,” said Cleaves, who said he met the lieutenant governor at Fairleigh Dickinson University, where Caldwell taught from 2018 to 2023. When Caldwell joined Sherrill’s ticket, Cleaves said, he told his colleagues they “would be hard to beat” based on Caldwell’s resumé and character.

    Caldwell has not missed their Wednesday morning Bible study lessons since news of investigation broke earlier this month, Cleaves said.

    “He doesn’t appear stressed. He knows in his heart who he is. He has told me he will not resign. He is not going to give up,” he said.

  • Brian Fitzpatrick is the least loyal House Republican. But he still votes with Trump and the GOP most of the time.

    Brian Fitzpatrick is the least loyal House Republican. But he still votes with Trump and the GOP most of the time.

    More than a year and a half into President Donald Trump’s second term, U.S. Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick has voted against the White House and the GOP more than any other House Republican.

    Yet, he has still voted with the president and his party nearly 70% and 77% of the time, respectively, during this congressional term, according to a new Inquirer analysis.

    Fitzpatrick’s nuanced voting record has become a focal point of Democrats’ campaign against the five-term GOP incumbent from purple Bucks County this fall.

    His Democratic challenger, Bob Harvie, argues that Fitzpatrick has been a “rubber stamp” for Trump’s policies and the GOP establishment when it matters most. Meanwhile, Fitzpatrick continues to tout his moderate, bipartisan brand that has proved successful in elections past.

    Both of those assertions will be tested in front of voters this November as Fitzpatrick defends his swing district seat in a heated race in the 1st Congressional District, which includes all of Bucks County and a sliver of Montgomery County. Trump narrowly lost the district in 2024, despite winning Bucks County.

    Fitzpatrick is voting with the president and his party less frequently during the current Congress, which began last year, than he did during the two years of Trump’s first term, when the GOP also held the majority, The Inquirer found in a comprehensive analysis of the Bucks County lawmaker’s 5,064 roll-call votes since he joined Congress nearly a decade ago.

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    The data underscore how Fitzpatrick, the last remaining GOP U.S. representative in the Philadelphia suburbs, is able to simultaneously straddle party lines and talk about his disdain for the two-party system while also serving as a key vote in the Republican conference — a cocktail of qualities that has made him difficult to unseat in years past.

    This year, Democrats are hoping that a focus on affordability issues amid a national environment that has become increasingly unfavorable to Republicans will be what it takes to unseat Fitzpatrick.

    U.S. Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.) makes remarks in support the grand opening of the new headquarters and expanded financial stability center for United Way Thursday, Sept. 10, 2026 at United Way of Bucks County Headquarters in Levittown.William Thomas Cain / For The Inquirer

    When Fitzpatrick does — and doesn’t — back Trump

    Trump and the Bucks County Republican have had their fair share of tense moments, including the president threatening the lawmaker in May for voting against him.

    Fitzpatrick has continued to vote against the president recently, including on a war powers resolution to restrict Trump’s military actions in Iran.

    “[Fitzpatrick’s] bosses are his constituents back home,” Heather Roberts, a spokesperson for the Fitzpatrick campaign, said in a statement. “Political party retaliation has zero impact on his decision-making.”

    Since January 2025, Fitzpatrick has voted with the Trump administration’s 133 stated positions on congressional votes 93 times, according to the analysis.

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    Fitzpatrick voted with Trump on several high-profile GOP bills, including the SAVE Act, a controversial overhaul of voting laws, and the Laken Riley Act, legislation also supported by some Democrats that requires federal authorities to detain undocumented immigrants arrested for theft-related crimes, issues that Roberts maintained 1st District voters of both parties support.

    Fitzpatrick’s votes have also aligned with the White House on other legislation related to immigration, law enforcement, energy, and renaming the Gulf of Mexico the “Gulf of America.”

    At the same time, no other House Republican has been less loyal to the president in this time frame. That includes every GOP member from Pennsylvania, many of whom are staunch supporters of Trump. Republicans like U.S. Reps. Ryan Mackenzie, Rob Bresnahan, and Scott Perry, who are defending their seats in contentious swing-district races, vote with Trump more than 90% of the time.

    Both Mackenzie and Bresnahan spoke at Trump’s Republican midterm convention in Dallas this month, but Fitzpatrick — the only GOP member of Congress from Pennsylvania not endorsed by Trump — did not attend.

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    Fitzpatrick’s defections — which have spanned from supporting Ukraine to condemning Trump’s rhetoric — have earned him the president’s ire.

    Since 2025, the analysis found, he has voted against the administration’s efforts to overturn numerous environmental regulations implemented by former President Joe Biden, many of which ultimately passed the House. He also was one of two Republicans to vote against the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, Trump’s signature domestic policy bill, on final passage (though he had cast a key vote to advance the bill earlier in the process).

    The final bill had enough GOP support — 218 members voted yes — to pass without Fitzpatrick’s vote.

    Harvie, Fitzpatrick’s Democratic challenger, contended that Fitzpatrick “has mastered the art of the meaningless gesture and breaks with Trump only when he gives him a hall pass.”

    “[Voters] want somebody who’s going to go there and fight for them,” Harvie said. “And, you know, people’s lives aren’t better than they were 10 years ago. And Brian Fitzpatrick and Donald Trump are the big reasons why.”

    Roberts said Harvie’s criticism is “absurd” and has been “debunked many times over and in every single election cycle.” She also criticized Harvie’s voting record and said he has not exercised similar levels of independence during his time as Bucks County commissioner and Falls Township supervisor.

    Back in Trump’s first term in office, Fitzpatrick sided with the White House on 59% of votes — 81% of the time in 2017-18, but dropping to almost 42% in the following two years, after Democrats gained control of the U.S. House in the 2018 midterms.

    Fitzpatrick voted with his party roughly 60% of the time during both the 117th and 118th Congresses, when Biden was in office and the GOP had the majority for the latter two years of his term.

    The lawmaker played a key role in getting Biden’s signature bipartisan infrastructure law passed, drawing sharp attacks from fellow Republicans when he was one of 13 GOP members to support it in the House.

    Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.) speaks to reporters after the House passed an Iran war powers resolution on Capitol Hill in Washington, on Wednesday, June 3, 2026. Haiyun Jiang

    What about the GOP?

    Fitzpatrick’s alignment with the House Republican Conference has fluctuated depending on which party is in power.

    During this Congress, when the GOP holds a narrow majority in the U.S. House, Fitzpatrick has voted with his party 77% of the time, meaning he has split from Republicans 107 times on 472 party unity votes, defined by CQ Roll Call as instances when a majority of voting Republicans oppose a majority of voting Democrats.

    That figure is the highest of his career, the analysis shows, though still far below the median of Republicans. It was a similar story during Fitzpatrick’s first term during the 115th Congress in 2017-18, when Trump was in office and Republicans had the House.

    By contrast, Fitzpatrick was the least loyal to his party during the 116th Congress in 2019-20 — at 55% — when Trump was still in office, but the GOP did not have the gavel.

    A congressional lawmaker’s votes are dependent on which bills make it to the floor. Currently, that is up to House Speaker Mike Johnson, a Louisiana Republican, whom Fitzpatrick has criticized for his reluctance to bring some bipartisan bills for a vote if Trump opposes them.

    Fitzpatrick has introduced 249 bills as lead sponsor, and just under half — 123 — have a bipartisan group of cosponsors.

    “The numbers and percentages will change from year to year based entirely on what votes are put on the House Floor,” Roberts said in her statement. “The best measure of independence is how often, and on which issues, does one vote against their own political party, regardless of who the President is and regardless of who the Speaker is.”

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    Jim Worthington, a major GOP donor in Bucks and owner of the Newtown Athletic Club, said Fitzpatrick’s record is representative of the purple county, home to a plethora of split-ticket voters, and shows that he is able to go against power structures in Washington.

    “When you have someone who’s willing to stand up to the power of the majority and take a stand, that’s the type of guy you want,” Worthington said. “It’s pretty lonely when there’s 216 other people in your party voting for something, and you’re voting no. It takes guts, and that’s what he’s doing.”

    Over the course of his time in Congress, Fitzpatrick has defected from his fellow House Republicans on votes related to economic and public finance issues, but has agreed with his caucus most on legislation connected to international affairs.

    Of the 10 closest votes in which Fitzpatrick diverged from the GOP this year, three were decisive votes that blocked GOP amendments to bills.

    Two others were votes in which he supported Democratic motions that fell just short of passing.

    Fitzpatrick also joined Democrats in voting against five GOP amendments to bills that passed by one vote.

    US Rep Brian Fitzpatrick speaks during the Garden of Reflection remembrance ceremonies Friday, Sept. 11, 2026 at Garden of Reflection in Yardley, Pennsylvania. The Garden of Reflection is Pennsylvania’s official state memorial honoring all 2,973 victims of the September 11 terrorist attacks, with a special tribute to 18 local residents from Bucks County, Pennsylvania.William Thomas Cain / For The Inquirer

    What does this mean for the midterms?

    At the U.S. Capitol on Wednesday, Fitzpatrick stood alongside members of the bipartisan Problem Solvers Caucus that he cochairs, condemning the redistricting wars both parties have engaged in and unveiling legislation to prevent a similar situation in the future.

    He said in an interview that both Trump and Democrats were “wrong” to kick-start a gerrymandering spree.

    “There are so many forces pulling us away from the center, when most Americans are in the center,” he said.

    Fitzpatrick has been working to run on that centrist message back at home — even as he wages an aggressive ad campaign against Harvie.

    But will his brand and well-fundraised campaign help him in a disadvantageous national political environment for Republicans this year?

    Brittany Crampsie, a Democratic consultant in Pennsylvania, said 1st District voters should consider whether they, too, agree with Trump a majority of the time, noting that Fitzpatrick creates an “illusion” that he is independent from the president or his party.

    “[Fitzpatrick] doesn’t have enough to celebrate, and voters don’t want to see him pat himself on the back for only supporting this administration 75% of the time,” Crampsie said.

    She said that Fitzpatrick’s voting record will not help him survive a blue wave this time around because the issues facing the country, such as the cost of living, are too dire amid what she calls a “change election.” Crampsie said Harvie should continue to focus his campaign on both Fitzpatrick’s record and kitchen-table issues.

    “Making a campaign all about opposition to Trump, we’ve seen, is not successful,” Crampsie said. “Voters want a new vision. They want a new platform. They want new ideas, and that’s what Bob Harvie is offering.”

    Worthington, the GOP donor, predicted that Fitzpatrick will once again be victorious this year, noting the lawmaker’s massive coalition of labor support, which would typically go to a Democratic candidate, and voters’ desire for a moderate candidate.

    “He’s a free, independent thinker. At the end of the day, he tries to do what’s right for everybody, for the majority of people,” Worthington said.

    “That’s the problem — there’s too many extremes. You’re either one side or the other. It shouldn’t be like that.”

    Staff writer Sam Janesch contributed to this article.

  • The Trump administration will force Pa. to pay more for SNAP. Shapiro’s office says it can’t.

    The Trump administration will force Pa. to pay more for SNAP. Shapiro’s office says it can’t.

    The Trump administration will be overhauling the SNAP program in two major steps, forcing Pennsylvania to pay more for the federal food program and jeopardizing those in need, according to Gov. Josh Shapiro’s office.

    The first phase begins Oct. 1, when states will have to pay for 75% of the expense of administering the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, an end to the 50-50 cost-sharing relationship between the federal government and the states that existed for decades.

    The second and more dramatic change is scheduled to commence a year from now, when the Trump administration demands that states pay for a portion of SNAP benefits — an unprecedented arrangement that could put Pennsylvania on the hook for as much as $400 million of the approximately $4 billion the state receives in SNAP benefits annually.

    That’s a price the state is not ready to pay.

    “Pennsylvania’s state budget cannot make up for huge cuts to federal SNAP funding that will shift these costs onto states,” Shapiro spokesperson Rosie Lapowsky said in a statement. “And those cuts risk leaving hungry Pennsylvanians without food assistance.”

    The Trump administration plan, part of President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act, is roiling Democrats and SNAP advocates who view it as an effort to weaken the food benefits program by saddling Pennsylvania and other states with the responsibility of paying for something they cannot afford.

    In anticipation of the first new rule going into effect in two weeks, Shapiro earmarked $87 million in the state budget to administer the SNAP program in the state, which includes paying for operating expenses.

    Burdening states with increased financial demands is “catastrophic,” said St. Joseph’s University sociologist Maria Kefalas.

    Kefalas said it will force states to make drastic moves to make up for lost dollars, including making eligibility rules harder and shrinking benefits.

    “The pressure on states to push people off SNAP will be tremendous,” she said. “The Trump act was written to shift blame for cuts to safety-net programs from the federal government to the states. Now, the states will be seen as the bad guys.”

    The original even split for administrative costs had the state and the federal government each paying $250 million in SNAP administrative costs, according to the Pennsylvania Independent Fiscal Office (IFO), a nonpartisan legislative agency that analyzes budgetary issues. But after Sept. 30, the state could be looking at as much as a $125 million increase in payments annually, IFO figures show.

    Shapiro’s $87 million budget infusion covers that increase for a portion of the state fiscal year, said Brandon Cwalina, press secretary for the Pennsylvania Department of Human Services, which oversees SNAP.

    The Trump administration says that by forcing states to put skin in the game, it is incentivizing them to cut waste, fraud, and abuse in the program.

    “President Trump is strengthening SNAP for the Americans who need it by ensuring these programs are sustainable for future generations,” White House spokesperson Anna Kelly said in a statement.

    She added that the One Big Beautiful Bill Act implements “reasonable” cost-sharing measures with states.

    Kelly also said that by signing the bill into law, Trump is “uplifting every American’s financial situation by passing the largest tax cut in history.”

    But concern is growing that by compensating for SNAP shortfalls, states will pull funds from other sources.

    “Does this mean money will be taken from police, courts, and other critical functions to pay for SNAP?” asked State Sen. Art Haywood, the top Democrat on the Health and Human Services Committee, who represents part of Philadelphia and Montgomery County.

    Error rates

    How much the state will have to pay in SNAP benefits in October 2027 depends on its payment error rate, a measure of overpayments and underpayments of benefits.

    Error rates are largely unintentional and are not fraud, according to the Food and Nutrition Administration of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, which runs the SNAP program.

    “It’s like doing your taxes and accidentally switching numbers,” said Ann Sanders, director of public benefits policy and programs for Just Harvest, a Pittsburgh-based anti-hunger nonprofit. “Not a crime, just a mistake.”

    In fiscal 2025, Pennsylvania’s error rate was 9.2%, mostly representing overpayments, said IFO director Matt Knittel.

    Even though it is below the national error rate of 10.6%, if the 9.2% level holds, Pennsylvania could be made to pay as much as $400 million a year when the new rule takes effect, IFO figures show.

    “These are costs Gov. Shapiro has made clear we cannot backfill,” Cwalina said. The Shapiro administration, which has had some success lowering error rates, has introduced new technology that helps flag potential errors before incorrect payments are made.

    The reorganization of SNAP’s functions and financing comes during an ongoing affordability crisis, said George Matysik, executive director of the Share Food Program, which supplies many food pantries in the Philadelphia area.

    “Instead of the federal government helping to solve it, it’s just passing the buck onto the consumer,” he said. “Prices are going up, while Washington punches down on the working class.”

    While the new changes have yet to kick in, Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act has already altered SNAP to help pay for his tax cut.

    The administration has expanded work and documentation requirements for SNAP recipients, resulting in millions of people seeing their benefits lowered or eliminated.

    Nationwide, between July 2025 and May, SNAP rolls have decreased by more than 5 million people, or 12%, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, a left-leaning Washington-based think tank.

    As of July, the latest Pennsylvania DHS estimates show that 94,200 people have lost benefits since Trump’s law took effect.

    The changing contours of the SNAP program worry legislators accustomed to its normally steady rhythms.

    “There was a 60-year-long partnership between the federal government and the states on SNAP, without problems,” Haywood said.

    “SNAP worked well since it got its start in 1964. But now, unfortunately, the current administration is dramatically changing it.”