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  • 8 people died in B-52 bomber crash at US Air Force base in Southern California, officials say

    8 people died in B-52 bomber crash at US Air Force base in Southern California, officials say

    LOS ANGELES — A B-52 bomber crashed shortly after takeoff at a U.S. Air Force base in Southern California’s Mojave Desert and burst into flames Monday, killing all eight people aboard, military officials said.

    Aerial footage showed virtually nothing left of the aircraft that went down around 11:20 a.m. during a routine test mission at Edwards Air Force Base, which is north of Los Angeles. Black smoke rose from a large swath of charred desert near the runway on the base, with emergency vehicles nearby.

    Those on the B-52 included government contractors and uniformed military. Aircraft manufacturer Boeing confirmed Monday evening that two of its employees were on board.

    After reviewing footage of the crash, it was determined that no one could have survived, Col. James Hayes, the deputy commander for the 412 test wing at Edwards, said at a news conference.

    “We lost eight great Americans,” Hayes said, adding that officials were working to notify their families.

    It was not immediately clear what caused the crash, and it could take up to six months to complete an investigation, Hayes said, but shared that the B-52 was supporting the “radar modernization program.”

    The Boeing B-52 Stratofortress is a long-range bomber that entered service in 1955. Designed to carry both conventional and nuclear weapons, it has been used in conflicts involving the U.S. military from Vietnam to Iran.

    In 2025, Boeing sent a B-52 to Edwards with a new, modernized radar system. A test team planned to conduct ground and flight test activities on the aircraft throughout 2026 to feed a production decision, the air force said in a 2025 news release. The modern Active Electronically Scanned Array (AESA) radar system replaced the aircraft’s antiquated radar for efficacy. It was unclear if that was the same aircraft involved in Monday’s crash.

    Edwards Air Force Base is home to a large portion of the U.S. Air Force’s aircraft test and development efforts and is about 100 miles (161 km) north of Los Angeles. The 412th Test Wing, which runs the base, also conducts developmental testing of all Air Force aircraft, weapons systems, software and components before purchase by the service as well as throughout their lifespan.

    The vast desert base is where Air Force test pilot Chuck Yeager reached a speed of Mach 1.05 and broke the sound barrier in 1947.

    The airfield was closed most of Monday and all inbound aircraft were being diverted, but it reopened to people coming onto the base by late afternoon. Non-commercial visitor passes for the base were suspended as emergency crews doused the flames.

    It’s too soon to say what might have happened.

    Air Force Secretary Troy Meink said he is deeply saddened by the lives lost.

    “We mourn this loss and honor the service of our Airmen, civilians, and contractors who work every day to advance our mission,” he said in a post on X.

    The way the B-52 crashed so quickly after takeoff without getting very high or going far makes aviation safety expert Jeff Guzzetti suspect some kind of flight control malfunction.

    It’s possible the controls were rigged wrong after maintenance, he said, or a catastrophic engine problem or a failure of a piece of equipment that was being tested.

    “I think it was definitely a controllability issue. Now, whether that was tied to an engine failure, a flight control failure, or some new testing device failure, I’m not sure,” said Guzzetti, who used to investigate crashes for both the Federal Aviation Administration and the National Transportation Safety Board.

    Although the Air Force has been flying B-52 bombers for more than 70 years, testing out new equipment on a plane can create new challenges.

    “A flight test is always riskier than normal operations, so that’s why you have specially trained test pilots, and you should have other safety protocols,” Guzzetti said.

    In recent years, fatal Air Force training accidents in the U.S. have included an instructor pilot who was killed in 2024 when the ejection seat activated while the aircraft was still on the ground in Texas and an Air Force ROTC cadet’s death in a 2022 accident involving a Humvee during a training exercise in Idaho. Two Air Force pilots were killed when a trainer jet crashed near an Alabama airport in 2021.

  • Iran says the deal to end the war requires Israel to withdraw from Lebanon

    DUBAI, United Arab Emirates (AP) — Iran’s top diplomat said Tuesday that the tentative deal to end the war with the United States would require Israel to withdraw from Lebanon — a condition Israel has already rejected and that could sink the agreement, leading to the resumption of all-out war.

    The deal, which is between the U.S. and Iran, has not been made public, and officials have sometimes offered contradictory interpretations of what is in it. While Israel is not party to the agreement, it is part of the war: It joined the U.S. in launching strikes on Iran on Feb. 28, and has since fought the Iran-backed Hezbollah militant group in Lebanon and seized large swaths of that country.

    Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Israel’s continued occupation of southern Lebanon would violate the deal.

    “Without the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the territories they occupied during this war, the war has not fully come to an end,” Araghchi said.

    Pakistan, a key mediator, has said the deal called for an end to military operations, including in Lebanon, as Iran long insisted. But Araghchi’s call for a withdrawal adds a new wrinkle.

    A U.S. official, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss outlines of the agreement, has said the deal did not call for an Israeli withdrawal. And Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Monday that Israel would remain in Lebanon “as long as necessary.”

    The negotiations to end the war have been plagued by such disagreements before — leading to a prolonged but uneasy ceasefire that has failed to develop into a permanent end to hostilities and that has left the Strait of Hormuz, a crucial waterway for the world’s energy supplies, effectively shut.

    Unresolved issues cast doubt on agreement’s long-term prospects

    The discrepancy underscored how much of the agreement remains apparently unresolved ahead of a planned ceremonial signing Friday in Geneva.

    The agreement is meant to provide a meaningful truce in a monthslong war that has killed thousands across the Middle East, including the top leaders of Iran’s theocracy, and raised the prices of fuel, food and other basic goods far beyond the region.

    The unpublished agreement provides for the “immediate” opening of the Strait of Hormuz and lifting of the blockade, according to a senior U.S. official who spoke to reporters on condition of anonymity to discuss outlines of the agreement on Monday.

    Brokered mainly by Pakistan, it starts with the simultaneous lifting of Iran’s closure of the strait and the U.S. blockade of Iran’s ports, according to Pakistani officials. The United States and Iran will then begin 60 days of negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program and the potential lifting of sanctions, Pakistani officials who helped broker the interim deal said, speaking on condition of anonymity about the unpublished text.

    It also includes the possibility of releasing Iran’s frozen funds and a $300 billion fund to help rebuild Iran if Tehran meets certain benchmarks, senior U.S. officials told reporters Monday. President Donald Trump later said the United States would not “invest” funds in Iran.

    Araghchi’s comments Tuesday appear to match the understanding of two regional officials with direct knowledge of the interim deal. The officials, speaking to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity to discuss the closed-door negotiations, said it would require Israel to leave nearly all the territory it occupies in Lebanon, minus a few hilltop points along the border seized earlier.

    The officials say Iran insisted the accord include Lebanon in the last days of the negotiations. Regarding the timeline, the officials said the release of frozen Iranian assets are tied to Tehran implementing the deal. Gulf Arab states also have pledged to inject billions of dollars in Iran’s economy, they added.

    Beyond Lebanon, there’s one more point of possible contention on Iran’s nuclear program. The interim deal begins a 60-day clock for talks over Tehran’s stockpile of highly enriched uranium.

    Iran has agreed to discuss ways to possibly “dilute or remove” its stockpile, the officials said. However, it remains unclear whether Tehran would agree to that, particularly with hard-liners opposing to giving it up.

    U.S. officials have not yet explained how they see the agreement addressing Iran’s nuclear program, including who will be in charge of verifying that Iran is in compliance and who will destroy or remove highly enriched uranium believed to be buried under nuclear sites that were badly damaged by U.S. strikes last summer.

    Despite anger, US allies push to make deal work at G7 summit

    Meanwhile, world leaders gathered in France for the first full day of the Group of Seven summit of major industrialized nations, where Iran was high on the agenda. Scheduled discussions include a work session focused on “ending crises and ensuring stability in the Middle East.” Leaders of Egypt, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates are to join the talks.

    Trump has clashed with European leaders over not consulting them before going to war in Iran. Even so, leaders are expected to strike a measured tone as they seek ways to ease the economic fallout from rising oil prices caused by the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz.

    The president told reporters on Tuesday that he’s “not happy with the way Israel has handled themselves with Lebanon and with Hezbollah.”

    “It just goes on forever,” he said of Israel’s strategy. ”And when that happens, it throws a negative light on the big deal. And that’s the deal with Iran.”

    Ahead of their meeting, the leaders of France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom issued a joint statement congratulating the United States, the Iranian government and the mediators on what they called a “diplomatic breakthrough.” Canada also signed the statement. The leaders said it was vital for detailed negotiations to take place and for the deal to be quickly implemented so the Strait of Hormuz can be reopened to tanker traffic.

  • How an addictive gas station drug found allies in Trump’s cabinet

    How an addictive gas station drug found allies in Trump’s cabinet

    For years, federal health officials have warned about the risks associated with a supplement derived from the leaves of kratom trees that adherents say can kill pain or boost energy. Sold in gas stations across America, kratom has been linked to liver toxicity, seizures and thousands of deaths.

    Powerful figures close to President Donald Trump, including Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin, pushed to downplay those concerns.

    Mullin, until recently a Republican senator from Oklahoma, played a key role in a sprawling influence campaign spearheaded by the kratom industry that courted Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Vice President JD Vance, among others in the Trump administration, an investigation by The New York Times found.

    Only when he was nominated by Trump in March to lead the Homeland Security Department did it become clear that Mullin had a financial connection to the supplement. In a disclosure statement, he listed an investment worth as much as $1 million in a kratom company, Botanic Tonics, that could benefit from the changes he has sought.

    The company’s founder, Jerry W. Ross — who had been an energy executive in Mullin’s home state before pleading guilty to a financial crime — is a leading player in the influence campaign that was devised to benefit kratom at the expense of its rivals in the marketplace.

    The kratom campaign underscores how corporations in the growing wellness industry can gain traction in Trump’s government by casting risky products as aligned with the administration’s Make America Healthy Again, or MAHA, agenda championed by Kennedy, who has sometimes prioritized unproven remedies over science.

    In July, while still a senator, Mullin showed up at a Food and Drug Administration news conference and endorsed proposed federal restrictions on more powerful synthetic supplements that compete with kratom for shelf space. In explaining his position, Mullin pointed to a history of addiction in his family, though health experts say kratom products have also been shown to be addictive.

    His disclosure form did not indicate when he acquired his stake in Botanic Tonics, but he has not filed paperwork to indicate that he has divested from it.

    The Homeland Security Department did not answer questions about the investment. In a statement, the department said that Mullin “follows all ethics and conflict of interest standards and has not lobbied for any individual or company.”

    Bottles of Feel Free, a kratom product produced by Botanic Tonics, displayed at a smoke shop in Oklahoma City, May 27, 2026. With support from Markwayne Mullin and Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the kratom industry is pursuing a potentially lucrative policy. (Nick Oxford/The New York Times)NICK OXFORD

    The restrictions that Mullin supported on the synthetic products would have been a boon to Ross’ company and others in the kratom industry, which market their supplements as safer and more natural. The kratom companies used donations and lobbyists to push for the crackdown.

    “It’s not pay to play. It’s pay to have conversations. It’s pay to have a chance at the table,” Ryan Niddel, CEO of Diversified Botanics, another kratom company involved in the effort, said in an interview with the Times. “And anybody that considers any of the lobbying work or any of the governmental work that goes on being different than that, I think has their head buried in the sand at this point.

    “I mean, that is the world that we live in.”

    The Times’ investigation — drawn from campaign finance data, lobbying disclosures, court filings, private correspondence and dozens of interviews — found the following:

    • Ross ramped up his donations to Kennedy’s defunct presidential campaign after Trump chose him to be health secretary. Ross privately boasted that he was “working on a plan for Bobby.”
    • The FDA in 2025 deleted links on its kratom webpage that detailed a then-pending legal case against Ross’ company, Botanic Tonics, after his allies pushed for the change.
    • Botanic Tonics had been sued by the federal government for illegally selling kratom products that were not proven safe, which the company disputed. But in December, the Justice Department suddenly moved to drop the case — which the company celebrated as a sign of the federal government’s receptiveness to kratom.
    • Kennedy, as health secretary, called the governor of Ohio to try to head off a state ban on kratom in the fall of 2025. Months later, Botanic Tonics donated $1 million to a political committee associated with Kennedy.
    • Ross, joined by influential lobbyist Ches McDowell, used donations to secure a private audience with Vance to lobby him about the benefits of kratom and to urge the ban on the synthetic products.

    Kush Desai, a spokesperson for the White House, suggested the administration was not swayed by the influence campaign, even though Trump recently made comments about needing to address the matter.

    “The only guiding factor behind the Trump administration’s healthcare policymaking is gold standard science,” he said in a statement. The administration, he added, was working “to get this critical matter correct and ensure the health and safety of Americans.”

    The Health and Human Services Department and Kennedy did not respond to requests for comment, nor did Ross.

    The administration’s receptiveness to kratom comes as Trump has also expressed a willingness to loosen rules covering other drugs backed by influence campaigns, including cannabis and psychedelics. The permissive posture stands in contrast to Trump’s baseless skepticism about highly regulated and widely used medications like Tylenol and vaccines.

    “It’s looking like we have a coin-operated drug policy that basically responds to whoever will give money,” said Kevin Sabet, who worked on drug policy under Republican and Democratic presidents. “And it threatens public health and safety because it’s going around the scientific process in favor of donors and influencers.”

    A rising scourge

    Long used medicinally in Southeast Asia, the leaves of the kratom tree contain a compound called mitragynine that interacts with the brain’s opioid receptors in a manner said to produce mild pain relief and — depending on its preparation — either sedation or energy and focus.

    Kratom started gaining popularity in the United States in the early 2010s as the opioid addiction epidemic raged. With doctors tightening access to powerful prescription painkillers such as OxyContin, users spread the word that kratom — initially sold as a bitter-tasting powder — could produce a similar effect.

    Devotees promoted it as a way to kick opioid addiction or to replace alcohol. But as reports of negative effects started rolling in, the government tried to take action.

    Under the Obama administration, the Drug Enforcement Administration described kratom as “a drug and chemical of concern,” and moved to greatly restrict access by classifying it as a Schedule I drug. Doing so would have defined it as having no medicinal value, making it illegal to sell.

    The proposal was withdrawn weeks later amid backlash from the fledgling industry, kratom users and members of Congress.

    Another proposal to restrict access during the first Trump administration was also pulled after lobbying by an industry trade group, over the objection of Scott Gottlieb, the FDA commissioner at the time.

    Kratom took off, appearing on the shelves of convenience stores and vape shops as tablets, drinks and gummies. The products varied in strength, and the concentration of active ingredients on the labels was not always accurate. They could be purchased in many states without age verification.

    From 2020 through 2024, kratom was found in the system of more than 5,200 people who died of drug overdoses, according to data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention based on death certificates and other official reports. Though kratom was often found in combination with other drugs, one study determined that those using kratom carried a sixfold increase in the risk of overdose death.

    Wyatt Wheeler, 27, was pursuing a master’s degree in business at Texas Christian University. He died of an overdose in October 2022, six weeks after he started taking a kratom extract, according to his mother, Patti Wheeler.

    An autopsy report issued by a county medical examiner in Fort Worth found that the cause of the overdose was the “combined toxic effects” of the active compound in kratom, along with a prescribed antidepressant and antihistamines.

    Patti Wheeler has become an anti-kratom activist, producing a documentary about the drug’s harms and pushing for state and federal restrictions.

    She says the industry has used its influence to thwart safeguards.

    If the federal government had effectively banned kratom earlier, Wheeler said in an interview, many overdose deaths could have been avoided.

    “My son would be alive,” she said.

    Feel free

    It was in this profitable but unregulated landscape that Ross set out to take the kratom industry mainstream.

    It was a fresh start for Ross after his stint in federal prison.

    Formerly a prominent energy executive in Oklahoma named Jerry D. Cash, he was an admitted heavy drinker who was charged on three occasions with driving under the influence from 2001 through 2008.

    In 2010, he pleaded guilty to a federal charge related to concealing his diversion of $10 million from oil and gas companies he ran.

    He was released from prison in the fall of 2013, after serving less than three years of a nine-year sentence. He was ordered to participate in substance abuse treatment and to abstain from intoxicants including alcohol, which he has said he previously used to cope with social anxiety.

    Eventually, he said later on a podcast, he began to experiment with other “social lubricants” — both legal and illegal — in search of a healthier alternative. By the time he created Botanic Tonics in 2020 with a base of operations in the Tulsa area, he had changed his name. The company began selling a roughly shot-size beverage called Feel Free containing kratom and another supplement called kava.

    Business boomed as Feel Free and competing products were embraced by skeptics of mainstream medicine who would become the core of the MAHA movement.

    Feel Free came to be sold at more than 24,000 retailers. Through a company, Ross would eventually pay more than $30 million for an 11,000-square-foot home in Malibu, California, overlooking the Pacific Ocean.

    Still, serious challenges loomed for the kratom business.

    In late 2023 a more powerful synthetic product emerged, featuring elevated levels of a psychoactive compound that is also found in lower levels in natural kratom. It is called 7-OH, or 7-hydroxymitragynine.

    Government and legal scrutiny of both kratom and 7-OH began mounting. While some states passed industry-endorsed laws regulating kratom, others enacted restrictions or even banned it and 7-OH entirely.

    Users also began suing.

    A class-action lawsuit filed in 2023 asserted that Botanic Tonics targeted recovering alcoholics with advertising casting Feel Free as a healthy, safe and sober alternative. The suit claimed that, to the contrary, the tonic had the “potential to be highly addictive.”

    The lead plaintiff in the suit was a recovering alcoholic in California. He spent $3,000 a month on Feel Free, according to the suit. (They retail for about $10 a bottle.) It said he “could no longer function without Feel Free and suffered severe withdrawal symptoms when he attempted to stop,” eventually turning back to alcohol “in an effort to cope with the worsening symptoms of his Feel Free addiction.”

    To settle the class action, Ross last year signed an agreement under which Botanic Tonics would pay $8.75 million and include warnings on Feel Free labels about how kratom “can become habit-forming and cause serious adverse health effects.”

    A sign advertising Feel Free, a kratom product produced by Botanic Tonics, outside a convenience store in Oklahoma City, May 27, 2026. With support from Markwayne Mullin and Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the kratom industry is pursuing a potentially lucrative policy. With support from Markwayne Mullin and Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the kratom industry is pursuing a potentially lucrative policy. (Nick Oxford/The New York Times)NICK OXFORD

    The FDA would eventually receive more than 965 kratom-related reports of harm, including 264 resulting in death. The self-reported claims detailed instances of vomiting, paranoia and drug withdrawal.

    In 2023, FDA inspectors visited Botanic Tonics’ warehouse in suburban Tulsa. They reported their findings to the Justice Department, which went to court to seize 250,000 bottles of Feel Free and other kratom supplements.

    In court filings, prosecutors cited “serious safety concerns,” saying kratom had been linked to “addiction” and “liver toxicity.” They accused Botanic Tonics of engaging in illegal interstate trade of an unapproved substance.

    On a podcast released in 2024, Ross indicated that he planned a campaign to differentiate between natural kratom and other versions.

    “We’re going to be coming out of the chute asking for separate regulation for whole leaf kratom,” he said.

    Calling a governor

    Trump’s election — and his appointment of Kennedy as health secretary days later — created an ideal environment for such a campaign.

    To others working on the issue, Ross highlighted his relationship with Kennedy, indicating that he was planning to enlist the incoming secretary in efforts to influence the administration, according to one associate.

    In the weeks around the inauguration, Ross donated nearly $162,000 to Kennedy’s defunct presidential campaign, exceeding by many times his total federal political giving to that point.

    Ross was not the only kratom entrepreneur jockeying for position.

    A newly formed group called Botanicals for Better Health and Wellness, which is linked to a rival kratom supplement maker, retained the firm of Jeff Miller, a leading Trump fundraiser, to lobby the FDA, Congress and the White House. The new group donated $50,000 to the incoming president’s inaugural committee, for which Miller was finance chair.

    Miller and the group did not respond to requests for comment.

    Shortly after the inauguration, another rival firm, Diversified Botanics, which produces the popular kratom brand MIT45, hired a lobbyist who worked on Trump’s first presidential campaign and transition. The lobbyist helped arrange meetings with members of Congress and officials from the FDA and the health department for Diversified’s CEO, Niddel.

    Niddel said he wanted to explain to government officials how his company’s products differed from those featuring 7-OH.

    “We got to get in front of this,” Niddel said he recalled thinking. “It’s going to destroy the kratom industry, because an uninformed consumer or an uninformed legislator — it’s all being lumped in together.”

    Vince Sanders, founder and president of CBD American Shaman, which helped popularize 7-OH, said the kratom industry is targeting businesses like his for financial reasons, not because of moral or safety concerns.

    “We’ve devastated the industry,” Sanders said. “When 7-OH came in and people tried it, they learned very quickly that it was vastly superior. I mean, this is like going from a horse and buggy to an automobile.”

    Sanders’ company received a letter from the FDA last year accusing it of illegally marketing 7-OH products. It recently agreed to halt sales in Missouri to settle a lawsuit brought by the state attorney general. The suit accused the company of peddling “deadly opioids,” though the company did not acknowledge liability.

    Sanders believes that kratom lobbying has “demonized” his side of the industry.

    Mullin used his connections in Trump’s orbit to help the other side.

    Starting while he was in the Senate and continuing after he became homeland security secretary, Mullin urged officials in the health department to remove language from the FDA website warning of kratom’s harms, according to four people familiar with his efforts who were not authorized to discuss them.

    For the kratom industry, the warnings on the FDA website were no small concern. Industry representatives said they feared state officials were taking their cues from the agency in deciding whether to pursue bans or other restrictions.

    Records obtained by the Times show that the FDA was asked to remove from its kratom webpage links that took readers to enforcement actions against Ross’ kratom company and others.

    By the end of 2025, the FDA had removed the links.

    Other requested changes were not enacted, including one asking the agency to remove a warning “not to use kratom because of the risk of serious adverse events, including liver toxicity, seizures and substance use disorder.”

    Emily Hilliard, a health department spokesperson, declined to comment on the website changes, but said the agency is “solely focused on serving the American people, not advancing industry interests.”

    Mullin went public with his involvement in July.

    In a notable move, he joined Kennedy and Dr. Marty Makary, then the FDA commissioner, at a news briefing to announce that the agency was moving to effectively end the legal sale of synthetic 7-OH products.

    In a comment that was later highlighted by a group backed by Ross, Makary said at the briefing that “we’re not targeting the kratom leaf.”

    Mullin added that companies selling 7-OH were exploiting a loophole in FDA regulations to cause harm to consumers.

    “It’s legal, but it’s an addiction that’s ruining lives,” he said.

    Kennedy referred to his own past struggles with addiction at the news briefing. Weeks later, he pushed Ohio to adopt a policy that would have protected the kratom industry.

    Gov. Mike DeWine, a Republican, had announced a plan in August to designate all kratom products as illegal drugs. But Kennedy asked DeWine to crack down instead only on synthetic 7-OH — and not kratom leaf products. The health secretary had hoped to see states align with the federal effort, said Dan Tierney, a spokesperson for the governor.

    DeWine soon dropped the push to ban kratom and moved forward with an emergency prohibition against 7-OH. After a review, though, his office said it was moving ahead with a broader kratom crackdown.

    ‘People are asking for it’

    Having powerful people in Trump’s Cabinet vouching for kratom was not enough for Ross. He actively joined the effort to kneecap his competition.

    His allies launched an opaque company to position natural kratom products as safer than synthetic alternatives.

    They gave the company a name, Stop Gas Station Heroin, that made synthetics sound especially dangerous. The company hired the firm of the lobbyist McDowell, who had been introduced to Ross as a well-connected Trump insider.

    McDowell, who is close to the president’s elder sons, also employs a nephew of Kennedy and the son of Trump’s 2024 campaign co-manager Chris LaCivita.

    Stop Gas Station Heroin has paid McDowell’s firm, Checkmate Government Relations, at least $600,000, according to lobbying records.

    McDowell’s firm has pushed for tougher enforcement against the rival synthetic products in meetings with congressional offices and Kennedy’s health department.

    All the while, Botanic Tonics had been awaiting a ruling on its own battle with the federal government.

    In December, a federal judge denied the company’s motion to dismiss the FDA lawsuit accusing it of unlawfully selling kratom.

    Then, less than two weeks later, federal prosecutors moved to drop the case, as reported by The Kansas City Star. They told the judge that the seized supplements had expired and that the Trump administration had “determined it would not be a prudent use of government resources to sustain this action.”

    In a statement praising the decision, the company said the dismissal “reflects a maturing regulatory landscape” in which federal agencies increasingly recognize the differences between natural kratom leaf and the synthetic products.

    Justin A. Lollman, a lawyer for the company, told the Times in a statement that even during the lawsuit, the government “never sought to restrict Botanic Tonics’ continued manufacture and sale of Feel Free.” The company has sold more than 130 million servings of Feel Free, he added.

    In February, after the dismissal, Ross donated a total of $443,000 to the Republican National Committee in connection with a fundraising dinner headlined by Vance in New York.

    Before the dinner, Ross, accompanied by McDowell, secured a private meeting with Vance. Ross used the access to promote the benefits of natural kratom and urge the Trump administration, and particularly the DEA, to clamp down on 7-OH, according to two people briefed on the meeting who were not authorized to discuss it.

    McDowell’s firm did not respond to a request for comment.

    Over the next two months, Botanic Tonics donated $1 million to MAHA PAC, which is associated with Kennedy. The money from Botanic Tonics accounted for about 44% of all the funds raised by the political action committee between the beginning of last year and the end of April.

    The PAC did not respond to a request for comment.

    It is not clear whether the administration will approve the emergency ban of 7-OH that Ross and his allies have sought.

    But during a briefing in the Oval Office about maternal healthcare last month, Trump made a stray comment indicating the issue had reached his desk, even as his administration was grappling with higher-profile priorities including a war with Iran.

    “We’re looking very seriously at natural 7-OH and getting that approved,” Trump said.

    The statement left even industry insiders divided on whether he was siding with natural kratom or synthetic 7-OH, or taking another position altogether.

    Whatever his stance, Trump left the impression that he had heard from influential figures on the matter, adding that “we’re looking to see if we can do something there.

    “A lot of people are asking for it.”

    This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

  • History suggests there won’t be enough political will for ‘freedom cities’ to achieve their promise

    History suggests there won’t be enough political will for ‘freedom cities’ to achieve their promise

    As the United States approaches its 250th birthday on July 4, a coalition of libertarian think tanks is pushing the Trump administration to mark the occasion by unveiling the first sites for “freedom cities.” These privately developed towns built on federal land would fulfill Trump’s campaign promise to charter 10 such cities. They’re intended, in his words, to “reopen the frontier, reignite the American imagination, and give hardworking families a new shot at the American dream.”

    Groups such as the Frontier Foundation, the American Enterprise Institute and the Charter Cities Institute have run with what seemed like a far-fetched campaign promise. They have drafted proposals to hand public land to private developers for single-family homes and high-tech enclaves free from state and federal oversight. These groups have latched onto the idea of “freedom cities,” because the towns tap into a cluster of contemporary American anxieties about housing affordability, stagnant social mobility and global economic competition, especially with China.

    Trump and his allies see these cities as an innovative solution to major American problems, but they’re hardly new. Freedom Cities continue a long history of Americans looking to their vast endowment of public land as a safety valve for social and economic pressures. This is a “supply-side” solution for perceived scarcity, whether of housing or freedom from regulatory red tape.

    Yet, while tapping public land is a common move, the history of such undertakings — especially government-engineered colonies on public land in the early 20th century — suggests that the Freedom Cities face long odds of achieving their promise. Traditionally, the political will has faltered and such projects have collapsed long before the crises they’re designed to address abate.

    The Homestead Act of 1862 remains the most famous of Congress’ many attempts to underwrite opportunity through grants of essentially free land. But striking the right balance between acreage and price — while preventing speculation and corruption — proved difficult. In the two centuries between 1789 and 1976, when the Federal Land and Policy Management Act effectively ended private sales of public land, Congress passed hundreds of land laws and amendments. Most historians today would agree that the results were mixed at best.

    Government colonies emerged from a similar impulse to use public land to achieve social and economic goals at the state level. In the wake of World War I, legislators across the U.S. West began to fear for the future of the family farm. Modern farming required capital, technology and expertise that often exceeded the capacity of an ordinary individual. In the arid West, farming demanded mass irrigation, which only the government could afford to build. Meanwhile, farmland values grew exponentially, especially in California.

    State legislators worried that without farm work, landless Americans would congregate in cities as they had in Europe and Russia, and that this might foment radical ideas about socialism, communism and anarchism. “A prosperous farmer on his land does not turn berserker or run amok,” promised a 1920 California state pamphlet.

    The solution was utopia by statue. To keep small farmers in business, five states, beginning with California in 1917, passed Land Settlement Acts, empowering state officials to build planned farming colonies on state-owned land.

    In California, the project fell to Elwood Mead, a civil engineer who oversaw the state’s acquisition of 6,239 acres in Durham, Butte County. The site seemed like a good bet. It was fertile, well-watered and close to a highway and rail connections. Mead invited Americans to apply for farm allotments while the state constructed irrigation and officials planned the layout of farm buildings, orchards and gardens. This was not private speculation but the expert-led engineering of a new community from scratch.

    For a few years, it appeared to work. Even after costs ran more than double the state’s appropriation of $260,000, forcing residents to take out loans, they were able to keep up with their payments. With European agriculture still recovering from World War I, commodity prices remained high and state officials interpreted those windfalls as a sign of success. Mead reported that “considerably more than half the [Durham] settlers were tenant farmers, and they would still be renters if they had been compelled to buy under ordinary commercial conditions.” The Durham colony, Mead declared, guaranteed “independence, ambition, [and] self-respect” for its settlers.

    Emboldened, in 1920 the California legislature authorized $1 million ($16.5 million in 2026 dollars) to purchase 8,400 acres for a second colony in Delhi, Merced County. Delhi’s sandy soil required far more preparation than Durham’s, meaning the state’s investment would pay off only after years of stable yields and favorable market conditions.

    But state support didn’t last. Mead, it turned out, had cooked the books at Durham, misleading the legislature. Settlers quickly drained their personal savings to keep up with loan payments. After the nationwide agricultural depression in the early 1920s, both colonies’ finances collapsed. In 1923, Mead skipped town.

    The next year, after spending $2.5 million over four years, the California legislature admitted defeat at Delhi. Following extensive litigation, it shuttered its experiment in engineering a utopian farming future. The settlers weren’t bad farmers. It’s just that they required state subsidies, stable global markets and honest accounting to succeed.

    Perhaps ironically, to endure economic depression and environmental constraints, California’s utopian colonies needed more government, not less. But in the 1920s, the agricultural downturn and rising fiscal conservatism among voters and their officials, including Friend W. Richardson, elected governor in 1922, eroded the political will for state-directed rural planning.

    OLD IMAGE — DO NOT USE — Made By History sponsors. FOR USE ON MADE BY HISTORY STORIES ONLY.Inquirer Staff

    Yet, that cautionary tale didn’t deter the federal government from trying something even more ambitious a decade later. In 1935, Franklin D. Roosevelt launched one of his vaunted New Deal agencies: the Resettlement Administration, run by Columbia economist Rexford Tugwell. It proposed to build 100 “greenbelt towns” on the outskirts of major cities. The vision was utopian: modern, well-designed communities housing low- and middle-income families in garden settings, shielded from the squalor of unplanned urban growth. They would be cooperative, self-governing and superior to anything the private market had produced.

    Three towns were built: Greenbelt, Md.; Greenhills, Ohio; and Greendale, Wis. They were architectural and planning achievements. Greenbelt, outside Washington, D.C., was admired for its curved streets designed to limit through traffic, communal green spaces and cooperative stores. Life magazine called it a model for the future.

    There was a problem, however: the government invested roughly $16,000 per unit — about 10 times the cost of a private home at the time. In a country still climbing out of depression, that figure proved politically toxic.

    The backlash was almost immediate. Real estate and homebuilders’ associations, alarmed by the prospect of federally subsidized communities competing with private development, mobilized against the program. They found allies in a new conservative coalition of Republicans and southern Democrats in Congress who began rolling back New Deal initiatives in 1937 and 1938. Critics branded the greenbelt towns “socialist colonies” and “Tugwelltowns,” after their architect. The label stuck because Tugwell had visited the Soviet Union in 1927 as part of a U.S. trade delegation and had praised state planning, making him an easy target.

    The 1937 recession drained Roosevelt’s political capital, and in 1938, Congress defunded the program. Tugwell resigned. After World War II, the federal government sold the greenbelt towns to private developers and residents’ cooperatives, washing its hands of the experiment. They survive today as pleasant, somewhat quirky suburbs, fossils of a dream that the government could not sustain as a reality.

    Today’s advocates of Freedom Cities present their proposal as a tech-enabled departure from the timid incrementalism of conventional planning. But what they propose is actually part of an American ritual: imagining public land as a blank slate somehow immune from contemporary economic, environmental and political challenges.

    A century ago, state-sponsored colonies were going to make land affordable again and save the family farm. Ninety years ago, greenbelt towns hoped to prove that the U.S. government could outbuild the private market. And now, Freedom Cities purport to solve the housing crisis, outcompete China and restore the frontier spirit, all while remaining exempt from the federal management and environmental and labor regulations that, according to advocates, are the source of America’s problems, not hard-won protections against them. In the past, however, the crises that give rise to these so-called utopias — whether agricultural collapse or housing scarcity — outlasted the political will required to build the utopias meant to solve them. Freedom Cities depend on the same fragile arrangements: federal land transfers, regulatory exemptions and sustained political protection by the very government their boosters claim to escape. History suggests that arrangement won’t hold.

    Daniela Blei is a historian, editor and book coach who helps writers develop and finish their books. Find her at Daniela-blei.com/writing and scholarsandwriters.com.

    Tamara Venit-Shelton is Professor of History at Claremont McKenna College.

    Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of The Inquirer.

  • Inside Cherry Hill’s renovated H Mart | Inquirer South Jersey

    Inside Cherry Hill’s renovated H Mart | Inquirer South Jersey

    Good morning, South Jersey.

    The updated H Mart in Cherry Hill has arrived, and we have a guide of tips and tricks to help you navigate your next visit.

    And the owner of Austen’s Shelf, the mobile bookstore, has expanded the business and opened a brick-and-mortar in Bordentown.

    Plus, one of the Carolina Panthers who won the Stanley Cup is from Camden County, and more news of the day.

    — Taylor Allen (southjersey@inquirer.com)

    If someone forwarded you this email, sign up for free here.

    How to navigate the new H Mart

    The H Mart in Cherry Hill has a new look after 25 years in town.

    The renovations of the 39,000-square-foot Asian grocery store includes a food court, bakery, and retail space.

    The second floor houses a food court, a mini Korean beauty store, and a general store. The first floor has myriad aisles (numbered for your convenience) full of snacks, produce, oils, seasonings, and so much more.

    Reporter Hira Qureshi provides tips for shoppers as she narrates her journey through the store.

    Austen’s Shelf has a new home

    Austen’s Shelf is no longer exclusively on wheels.

    The shop, inspired by novelist Jane Austen, was initially a mobile bookstore when it launched last year. Now, it’s a brick-and-mortar in Bordentown.

    After attracting long lines and customers who liked to linger, it didn’t take long for founder Charity Herndon to consider a permanent space. During a stop in Bordentown, her patrons said point-blank: “We need a bookstore like this in town.”

    Nationwide, independent bookstores like Herndon’s are gaining popularity.

    📚 The rise is evident in the numbers: More than 600 indie bookstore businesses opened in 2025 — an 87% increase compared to the year before, according to the American Booksellers Association.

    The Inquirer’s Lisa Dukart details Austen Shelf’s next chapter.

    P.S. This story has introduced me to my weekend plans. If you have a favorite local bookshop, please email us and let us know. 📧

    What to know today

    🗣️ Quote of the week

    Ryan Lynch has already proven his proud coach right while playing for University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. The team is going strong and is set to play Wednesday.

    🧠 Trivia time

    Who is the Love Island USA contestant from South Jersey on the season that debuted earlier this month?

    A) Sincere Rhea

    B) Sean Reifel

    C) Melanie Moreno

    D) Charlie Puth

    Think you know? Check your answer.

    What we’re…

    ❌ Avoiding: Ticks. We’re hitting peak season.

    👀 Watching: “Skinny Joey” Merlino’s latest pivot.

    🏡 Ogling: This spacious Colonial in Palmyra. (Did you recently buy a home in South Jersey? Share the story of how you did it. Email Inquirer real estate reporters at properties@inquirer.com.)

    Thank you for spending your morning with The Inquirer. I’ll see you at the same place at the same time tomorrow.

    By submitting your written, visual, and/or audio contributions, you agree to The Inquirer’s Terms of Use, including the grant of rights in Section 10.

  • Letters to the Editor | June 16, 2026

    Letters to the Editor | June 16, 2026

    Student-teacher ratio

    My response to the recent article about allegations of grade inflation, based on my experience as a teacher in Philadelphia public schools, is that the number of children in the classroom with one teacher matters. With a limit of 30 to 33 children assigned to a classroom with only one teacher working without an assistant, there is often not the possibility of meeting the academic needs of students who struggle to learn, even when they show up regularly. Without another adult in the classroom to help address the learning remediation and the behavioral needs of some students, classroom lessons, even when well planned, are affected by the variety of learning abilities of students in that one classroom. Situations arise that require the attention of a capable adult, while the regular classroom teacher continues the lesson with the rest of the class.

    It would be interesting to compare student performance in schools that can afford to have fewer than 30 students in a classroom with our Philadelphia city public schools. Some suburban public schools have the resources to keep class size closer to the low to mid-20s. The ratio of teachers to the number of students matters. That is why special education class sizes are deliberately kept small. And reducing class size in our city schools would require paying for many more teachers — or hiring assistants to help in the regular classrooms.

    Mary A. McKenna, Philadelphia

    Welcome Center windfall

    Last week, City Council passed a bill authorizing Philadelphia’s Parks and Recreation Department to lease the newly renovated Welcome Center at FDR Park to the Fairmount Park Conservancy for a term of up to 26 years, for “nominal” rent and with no apparent financial benefit to the city except savings on maintenance costs.

    According to a recent analysis, the average cost of Philadelphia retail rentals was about $20 per square foot. Based on that figure, even conservative estimates put the value of such a lease in the eight figures. Fairmount Park Conservancy is a nonprofit, which means the city will likely not even see tax revenue from the concessions and events the conservancy plans to operate there.

    Parks and Recreation has funding issues. In passing this bill, City Council seems to have missed an opportunity to create an ongoing revenue stream through a request for proposals to qualified concession managers.

    Emily Bell, Devon

    EV chargers

    Installing 800 electric vehicle chargers is a good start, but as the shift to electric accelerates, the city should have higher aspirations. Why not consider changes to the building codes that would set goals for obvious locations like parking garages and new construction? It should be feasible to equip 20% of garage spaces in about three years and 50% within about eight years. In addition, any new construction should be designed to accommodate EVs. Deliberately phasing this in over a decade would ensure we aren’t constantly behind the curve.

    Frederick Jones, Philadelphia

    Walk-off interview

    Donald Trump, after abruptly walking off during a Meet the Press interview with NBC White House correspondent Kristen Welker, said he is willing to reschedule the interview. Past behavior suggests he is more likely to push NBC to fire Welker. This most distinguished correspondent must not be added to the list of those struck down by the president.

    Joel Chinitz, Philadelphia

    Join the conversation: Send letters to letters@inquirer.com. Limit length to 150 words and include home address and day and evening phone number. Letters run in The Inquirer six days a week on the editorial pages and online.

  • From VIP suites to fraud allegations | Morning Newsletter

    Good morning, Philly! Happy Tuesday. Get ready for another sunny day with temps expected to be in the high 70s.

    A former Delaware County gym manager was once a startup sensation, raising over $30 million for technology that cleaned up problematic social media posts. Now, he’s facing two lawsuits after the downfall of his company.

    After being closed for a year, the Highmark Mann Center debuted its new look this week. Leaders say they want to establish the space as a cultural hub with a serious artistic history.

    Plus, the James Beard Awards ceremony took place last night, and more news of the day.

    — Sam Stewart (morningnewsletter@inquirer.com)

    If someone forwarded you this email, sign up for free here.

    The rise and fall of LifeBrand

    Colaiezzi of Lifebrand

    T.J. Colaiezzi was a former gym manager from Delaware County who’d dropped out of college and couldn’t write code. But with $27 million in venture capital in the bank, he began his AI-powered startup.

    His company LifeBrand, he said, was a safeguard for the cancel culture era, with software that could scour years of social media in seconds and flag compromising posts.

    Hundreds of pages of court documents and internal company records reviewed by The Inquirer, as well as interviews with a dozen people involved with LifeBrand, tell the story of how a fledgling CEO won over deep-pocketed athletes and business owners. Then Colaiezzi — following a series of admitted missteps and alleged misspending — was forced to sell the $137 million tech company he built for next to nothing.

    In two lawsuits, investors say Colaiezzi squandered their money on a marketing blitz, hired unqualified friends at inflated salaries, and pocketed $6 million to finance a lavish lifestyle.

    The Inquirer’s Max Marin has the full story.

    Mann, it’s good to be back

    Greener and roomier with a chic naturalistic look, the Highmark Mann Center officially reopened Monday after the final phase of a yearslong renovation. Construction at Philadelphia’s outdoor arts center in Fairmount Park went not just down to the wire, but a few weeks beyond it, delayed by this past winter’s stretch of snow.

    The renovations include a redesigned plaza three times the size of the previous one, and a substantial new gateway entrance structure. A spectacular digital screen now bedazzles the main concert shed, greeting visitors with a stream of video art and programming rendered in images vivid and saturated even in bright sunlight.

    The Satell Centennial Wall East on the side of TD Pavilion won’t carry advertising, Mann leaders vow, but instead will offer digital sequences on culture, history, and the like.

    Notable quote: “The Highmark Mann has a lot of people who love us. We want to become their premier destination, for them to come here and bring family and friends and say, ‘Oh my God, look at what we have in Philadelphia. This is world class.’”

    Arts reporter Peter Dobrin has more.

    What you should know today

    • Seven Philly finalists were up for major acknowledgments from last night’s 2026 James Beard Awards in Chicago. The Inquirer has the latest on the winners.
    • One of three Philadelphia police officers wounded in an exchange of gunfire that left a retired firefighter dead in West Philly over the weekend was released from the hospital Monday, as authorities continued to investigate the shooting.
    • Bucks County prosecutors said they have resolved the case of the last teenager arrested during an anti-ICE protest in Quakertown that turned violent. The 16-year-old agreed to enter into a diversion program in exchange for the dismissal and expungement of the charges.
    • An ICE agent was hit with a vehicle in Manahawkin early Monday, as he tried to arrest the individual who later fled in the car, according to local police. As the suspect got away, the agent fired and struck the vehicle.
    • The Philadelphia Democrat whose congressional district includes Independence Hall accused President Donald Trump of trying to transform the 250th anniversary into a celebration of himself rather than the country.
    • The Pennsylvania Supreme Court ruled Monday that so-called skill games are slot machine devices and should be regulated as such.
    • Britain will ban children aged under 16 from using a range of social media apps, including Snapchat, TikTok, and YouTube, to protect them from harmful content and excessive screen time, Prime Minister Keir Starmer said.

    Quote of the day

    Players and parents from Cheltenham High School feel “betrayed” after the district canceled the 2026 varsity and junior varsity football season. It all stems from an investigation of an alleged hazing incident that prematurely ended play last season.

    🧠 Trivia time

    Fox Corp. is buying which of these streaming platforms in a cash-and-stock deal valued at approximately $22 billion?

    A) Netflix

    B) Fubo

    C) Pluto TV

    D) Roku

    Think you know? Check your answer.

    What we’re …

    🍻 Toasting to: The return of Iron Hill Brewery in Huntingdon Valley. It’s set to reopen next week.

    🏠 Admiring: A West Philly apartment decorated entirely in black, white, and gray. Take a look inside!

    🛒 Following: The Inquirer’s guide to Cherry Hill’s newly improved H Mart. It’s a 39,000-square-foot store.

    🧜‍♀️ Wondering: What does Mermaid Italian Ice taste like? Rita’s just dropped the new limited-edition flavor.

    🧩 Unscramble the anagram

    Hint: This author was, up until recently, a local broadcast reporter in Philadelphia.

    CIRCE MANIC MONK

    Email us if you know the answer. We’ll select a reader at random to shout out here.

    Cheers to Ken Schwartz, who solved Monday’s anagram: Chartreuse. Supply of the liquor may be dwindling, but some Philly bars have a stash.

    Photo of the day

    Gracie Girl takes a break at the Philadelphia Brewing Company after being chosen the spokesdog for 2026 during a competition by the Philadelphia Water Department and Partnership for the Delaware Estuary on Sunday. Gracie Girl is a 8-years-old cane corso dog and will represent the Philadelphia Water Department raising awareness about poo-llution.Yong Kim / Staff Photographer

    👋 That’s all for today, folks! Talk to you again Wednesday morning.

    By submitting your written, visual, and/or audio contributions, you agree to The Inquirer’s Terms of Use, including the grant of rights in Section 10.

  • Austen’s Shelf pens a new chapter with a brick-and-mortar bookstore in South Jersey

    Austen’s Shelf pens a new chapter with a brick-and-mortar bookstore in South Jersey

    On a warm weekend earlier this month, dozens of shoppers, some of them dressed in Regency-inspired apparel, milled about the city of Bordentown, in Burlington County.

    Those donning bonnets and hand fans weren’t time travelers or lost actors — they were there to celebrate the opening of a new bookshop with plenty of historic flair of its own.

    Inspired by the works of renowned 18th- and 19th-century novelist Jane Austen, Austen’s Shelf penned a new chapter June 6 with the opening of its storefront at 230 Farnsworth Ave. The bookshop, which held a period-inspired costume contest for the occasion, is part of a growing surge of independent bookstores nationwide.

    Austen’s Shelf launched last year as a mobile bookstore in a 98-square-foot trailer.Jessica Griffin / Staff Photographer

    Austen’s Shelf launched last year as a 98-square-foot mobile bookstore that popped up at festivals and events, many of them in South Jersey. It was born out of founder Charity Herndon’s desire to fulfill a lifelong dream of owning a bookstore, something she decided to pursue after facing a breast cancer scare.

    While she ultimately didn’t end up with a diagnosis, the experience changed how the now-30-year-old looked at life.

    “I feel like a completely different person than I was before the health scare,” she said. “After you get over that mountain, it’s kind of like, all systems go.”

    For Herndon, it was. Within months of her mobile shop’s September opening, she began to contemplate a more permanent space, seeing a desire from customers to “sit and linger.” With long lines forming at pop-ups, she felt like the shop had become as much about buying a book as it was a place for people to connect.

    That was further stoked after a dreary winter and one particularly busy January pop-up at Turtle Beans Coffee in Bordentown. During that event, she said visitors told Herndon “we need a bookstore like this in town.”

    While there’s already an independent bookstore there, Old Book Shop of Bordentown specializes in general used, out-of-print, and antiquarian books. Coincidentally, Jane Austen is the 21-year-old shop’s second-best selling author, owner Doug Palmieri said.

    Given the two don’t have significant crossover in their business models, he welcomes having another bookshop nearby. Like antique stores, “the more there are in one area, the better for business,” he said, adding that he got a boost during Austen’s Shelf’s opening weekend, which coincided with the New Jersey book crawl and another store’s opening.

    Independent bookstores like Austen’s Shelf are on the rise nationally. According to the American Booksellers Association, 605 new bookstore businesses opened in 2025, an 87% increase from 2024.

    They’ve proliferated in the Philadelphia suburbs in recent months. Chapter Two Books opened in Wynnewood in May, Forage Books debuted in Kennett Square in February, and two bookstores, Celia Bookshop and Dirt Farm Books, opened in Swarthmore in October and January, respectively. The latter specializes in used and rare books.

    Books aren’t the only media form making a resurgence. A Passyunk Square resident is on the hunt for a place to set up Little Movie Store, a video rental shop in the vein of Blockbuster.

    Palmieri — a 20-year member, current secretary, and past president of the Downtown Bordentown Association, which promotes and supports local businesses — attributes the growth of indie bookshops partly to an uptick in younger readers, primarily those in their 20s and 30s.

    “They like the touch and feel of books,” he said. “They like to have the books in their hands.”

    DBA treasurer and past president CJ Mugavero, who owns Artful Deposit, sees the rise in retail as something of a reaction to the increased digitization of society.

    “What people are craving is the human factor,” she said. That’s helped spur a number of new businesses in Bordentown recently.

    Located next door to Austen’s Shelf, menswear and home store Haberdashery and Home debuted this month. Earlier this spring, the historic city welcomed art spaces Bonaparte Boutique and Sleeping Cat, an expansion of studio Leaping Dog. Abyssal Brewing and yoga and pilates studio The Movement also put down roots there in the first half of this year.

    Beyond a desire for the tactile, “people long for community, and I think that’s something you can’t necessarily find if you’re just ordering your books off of Amazon,” Herndon said.

    That was top of mind when she conceptualized her new space, which is small, but more than quadruple the size of the mobile bookshop. Clocking in at under 500 square feet, it has a “homey” vibe that allows for lingering and connecting. There are two sitting areas, one with a couch, the other a table and chairs. The latter sits beneath a large mural depicting Elizabeth Bennett and Mr. Darcy from Austen’s Pride and Prejudice, painted by Philadelphia artist Erik Weedeman.

    Shoppers browse for books and other goods at Austen’s Shelf in Bordentown. Elizabeth Robertson / Staff Photographer

    Like its predecessor, this edition of Austen’s Shelf caters to a wide range of readers, stocking a curated selection of young adult, literary fiction, poetry, mystery and thriller, and fantasy, as well as children’s books.

    There’s also a room dedicated to Austen, complete with a gilded digital display showing film adaptations of her books. Herndon also sells a selection of what she’s dubbed “Regency-modern” apparel.

    With a permanent space now up and running, Herndon has no plans to stop taking the mobile bookstore out. She’s just refining the schedule and taking on fewer events.

    A former Bordentown resident who now lives in Gloucester County, Herndon hopes the shop helps draw visitors to the city. She wants visiting Austen’s Shelf to feel “like an experience where the entire town can kind of be a place to linger.”

    If opening weekend was any indication, that just might be the case. Looking out at the historic city during the grand opening and seeing people wander the streets in period-inspired attire, she said the image “just fits like a glove. It’s the dream, literally.”

    Austen’s Shelf is open Wednesdays and Thursdays from 11 a.m. to 6 p.m., Fridays and Saturdays from 11 a.m. to 7 p.m. and Sundays from 11 a.m. to 5 p.m.

    This suburban content is produced with support from the Leslie Miller and Richard Worley Foundation and The Lenfest Institute for Journalism. Editorial content is created independently of the project donors. Gifts to support The Inquirer’s high-impact journalism can be made at inquirer.com/donate. A list of Lenfest Institute donors can be found at lenfestinstitute.org/supporters.

  • A complete guide to Cherry Hill’s newly improved H Mart

    A complete guide to Cherry Hill’s newly improved H Mart

    After nearly 25 years in operation, the newly renovated H Mart in Cherry Hill is drawing crowds as regulars and newcomers marvel at its major improvements.

    The outpost of the renowned Korean grocery store off Route 70 has served the local community since 2001. In April 2025, the Cherry Hill Township Planning Board approved plans for an expansion. A year later, the grocery store reopened with enhancements to the first floor and an open-concept food court, bakery, and retail space on the second.

    As a diehard H Mart fan, I decided to venture across the bridge on a recent Thursday and see the 39,000-square-foot store for myself.

    Customers shop inside H Mart Cherry Hill.Hira Qureshi

    Where to start your H Mart visit

    I arrived at the brick building, marked with the familiar “H Mart” sign in big red letters, at about 11 a.m. Entering through the double sliding doors of the second floor, I found myself inside the new food court.

    A few customers dined in the massive seating area that morning, enjoying various dishes. I decided to grab an iced brown sugar coffee boba from Tiger Sugar as a little treat to sip on during my exploration.

    Beginning the journey on the second floor was the right move, according to Ryan Solot, a regular shopper at H Mart. He and his wife, Miki Solot, came to the store once a week before renovations. The couple were shopping for dashi stock and Japanese sauces when I ran into them. They were happy to see the makeover, particularly on the second floor’s general shop department. But the Solots still felt the first-level aisles were a bit narrow for ideal grocery shopping.

    “The layout is strangely unchanged,” Ryan Solot said. “It’s still kind of awkward to get through the aisles … but start from the top [floor] and make your way down, it’s much more organized upstairs.”

    Korean beauty section at H Mart Cherry Hill.Hira Qureshi

    The second floor of H Mart: general goods, Korean beauty products, and an arcade

    Walking out of the food court area, I found a mini Korean beauty store with boxed shelving displaying creams, serums, cleansers, tonics, and other products from popular brands such as Medicube, Anua, and Beauty of Joseon. Attendants explained the various products to customers, especially to Korean skincare novices like myself.

    Neon arrow signs next to the beauty department directed me into H Mart’s general store and “H Pop” section. A small selection of drinks and snacks lined the shelves leading me into the rows of shelves with over-the-counter medicines, vitamins, toiletry items, slippers, bedding, and kitchenware.

    In the back corner I found a vast selection of cutesy notebooks, pens (ones with funky kiwi and toilet attachments), furry character key chains, mini toys, makeup storage containers, and other knickknacks. The prices for items were organized by serial numbers, which were listed on a card hanging off the shelves. Pro tip: Take a photo of that price card to reference as you shop.

    Customers shop inside H Mart Cherry Hill.Hira Qureshi

    The first floor of H Mart: frozen foods, fresh produce and seafood, snacks, and lots of instant noodles

    Taped to the elevator, two signs offered directions on where to find specific items. “Second floor: food court, house ware, characters, K-beauty, game, health food” and “First floor: Asian/Western, produce, fish, meat, ready to eat, banchan” were written in all caps and highlighted in yellow.

    The elevator also had another sign with an important tip for shoppers: “You are welcome to shop freely on both 1st and 2nd floor, and you may check out either floor.”

    Downstairs on the first level, the elevator opened up to aisles upon aisles of snacks, produce, sauces, packaged sweets, and lots of instant noodles. Each aisle is organized by number with a sign noting all the items available.

    Shrimp crackers at H Mart Cherry Hill.Hira Qureshi

    I walk into Aisle 3 as I exited the elevator and found snacks galore. KitKats, Pocky sticks, Buldak ramen-flavored chips, O’jelly real plum candies, lychee gummies, Poongnyun Bakery seaweed crackers, and so much more lined the shelves. I picked up some of my favorites: Shrimp crackers, crispy snacks made from starch and ground shrimp, and a bag of chocolate yogurt-covered orange slices sitting nearby.

    Next, I headed into Aisle 5 for beverages. The vast selection includes soy milk, hojicha, banana milk, corn silk tea, coconut milk and juice, and taro. I grabbed a tall can of Thai tea and a couple of glass bottles of Ramune, a fizzy, fruity, sweet Japanese soda.

    Thai tea at H Mart Cherry Hill.Hira Qureshi

    I stopped by Aisle 10 for chili oil and pho seasonings. And on Aisle 1, I found instant noodles plentiful — the Japanese-style soba noodle box piqued my interest. At the end of Aisle 9, I saw cups filled with ice in the freezer section and drinks packaged in pouches for easy pouring. I grabbed the peach mango tea to accompany my post-shopping food court lunch.

    As I walked deeper into the store, I found Catherine Yao and her mother, Jingjing Dong, in the massive seafood section, picking live crabs from a big box.

    Live crab selection at H Mart Cherry Hill.Hira Qureshi

    Yao and Dong, who live five minutes from the store, come to the H Mart every week. They come for the fresh seafood — live fish, lobsters, and crabs swim in big tanks near the butchers, while some sit in displays on ice — and frozen meats — think beef bulgogi and pork belly. The two also like exploring the premade foods section next door; I picked up a crab onigiri for the road.

    The mother-daughter duo recommended stopping by the vast produce section near the cashiers. “I like the fresh durian, lychees, mangoes, and the gold melons,” Dong said.

    Food court at H Mart Cherry Hill.Hira Qureshi

    The food court

    Around noon, I took the elevator back up to the second floor and ventured back into the food court for lunch.

    The court can feel overwhelming, with nine vendors to choose from — think bibimbap, Korean fried chicken, and noodles. Thankfully, Yao and Dong recommended a couple of options: Kyodong Noodles, a Korean-style Chinese noodle restaurant; Daily Seoul, a Korean lifestyle food brand; and Tiger Sugar, the Taiwanese bubble tea vendor I sampled earlier.

    While perusing the vendors, I ran into regular Ryan Solot at Mirim, a traditional Korean restaurant. He recommended the cold buckwheat noodle soup. “I didn’t like how it looked at first but then I tried it and it was very good,” he said.

    Spicy cold buckwheat noodle soup H Mart Cherry Hill.Hira Qureshi

    I ordered the spicy buckwheat noodles with beef at Mirim. The dish was served in a metal bowl with pickled vegetables on the side, chopsticks included.

    For Yao, the food court is a great addition to the store.

    “I like coming here more now because they have a food court — we go to eat there pretty often, for lunch and dinner sometimes,“ she said.

    H Mart Cherry Hill: 1720 Route 70 E, Cherry Hill; 856-489-4611; Monday to Sunday, 9 a.m. to 9 p.m.

  • Who could the Sixers draft at No. 22? Here’s our take on projected picks, and other players to watch

    Who could the Sixers draft at No. 22? Here’s our take on projected picks, and other players to watch

    The NBA draft is a week away, which also marks the first roster-building benchmark for new 76ers president of basketball operations Mike Gansey.

    The Sixers hold the 22nd overall pick, and no selection in the second round. Gansey ran the draft in his last job as general manager of the Cleveland Cavaliers, and will aim to put his imprint on the Sixers’ process with a short timeline since being formally introduced last week. Gansey also said he will be respectful of the preparation the remaining front office staff has already completed, and that has delivered mostly positive results in recent drafts.

    ESPN reported Monday that the Sixers will hold prospect workouts this week. Gansey said they will select based on a combination of best player available and positional need, a vague-yet-understandable description.

    Who are some possibilities at No. 22? Here is a roundup of the major national mock drafts — often created by analysts whose year-round job is to scout and report on these prospects — along with our thoughts and some other players who could be available in the Sixers’ range.

    The 6-foot-11 Chris Cenac Jr. averaged 9.5 points and 7.9 rebounds as a freshman with Houston.Maria Lysaker

    Bleacher Report and Yahoo!: Chris Cenac Jr., Houston big man

    Yahoo! says: “Finding a center to play behind Joel Embiid needs to be prioritized. Embiid simply cannot be trusted to stay on the floor. Cenac checks every box on paper as a superb athlete who moves like a wing, has the length to alter shots, and shoots from the perimeter. Houston handed him a starting role with national title aspirations and trusted him with heavy minutes. But the Cougars fell short again, in part because Cenac struggled to stay out of foul trouble, couldn’t score efficiently, and was overeager to play on the perimeter despite having the body of a bruiser. He arrived in college with lottery expectations, and he still could become that player in the future. But the NBA team drafting him is taking a project.”

    Bleacher Report says: “The Sixers have to pursue frontcourt depth here if the draft board allows it. Joel Embiid is the living embodiment of the questionable designation, and Andre Drummond is headed into free agency. In a perfect world, though, Philly would find someone who could man the middle in Embiid’s absence and manage to stay on the floor in some double-big looks. Cenac offers that kind of flexibility, or rather he would if he could further his development. He can get a little too perimeter-happy, but the tools are there: good length and hops, great mobility, some shooting touch and finishing force.”

    Inquirer says: Focusing on frontcourt help — either at center or power forward, given Paul George’s unpredictable availability — makes obvious sense. That Cenac struggled to stay out of foul trouble might make Sixers supporters wince, given Adem Bona has been in the same predicament throughout his two-year NBA career. But Cenac’s mobility and potential versatility — and he was coached hard by Kelvin Sampson in a high-profile program — are intriguing.

    Texas guard Dailyn Swain averaged 17.3 points and 7.5 rebounds last season.Eric Gay

    ESPN: Dailyn Swain, Texas wing

    ESPN says: “Despite the combine not going all that well for him, Swain appears to be firmly in the first round, as the lack of wings with a variety of tools in the middle tier of the draft works in his favor. There are still questions around his shooting, but teams view his ability to get downhill and solid defensive upside as worth the long-term investment. After bringing in the new president of basketball operations, Mike Gansey from Cleveland, to head the front office, the 76ers are still relatively early in their decision-making process and will begin bringing in players for workouts this week. Finding an immediate contributor at this spot would be a win, with much of Philadelphia’s salary structure tied up in Joel Embiid and Paul George, and cultivating depth behind them is likely a priority.”

    Inquirer says: This pick would make sense if the Sixers are worried about losing Kelly Oubre Jr. and/or Quentin Grimes in free agency. That the 6-foot-8 Swain still needs to develop as a shooter is a concern for a Sixers team that struggled from three-point range, but the downhill attacking and defensive playmaking would fit right in with dynamic guards Tyrese Maxey and VJ Edgecombe. Other mock drafts have Swain as a lottery pick, so this could be a steal at 22.

    Forward Joshua Jefferson averaged 16.4 points and 7.4 rebounds at Iowa State last season.Alex Goodlett

    The Ringer: Joshua Jefferson, Iowa State forward

    The Ringer says: “There’s an argument to be made that the 6-foot-9, 240-pound Jefferson is the best passer in the entire class, regardless of position. (Just ask his Iowa State teammate Milan Momcilovic, whose 10 percentage point jump in 3-pointers was partly a byproduct of playing with Jefferson.) To me, a Jefferson-Philly pairing would be a match made in heaven: His long track record of setting up perimeter scorers fits perfectly with the Sixers’ two incendiary scoring guards. While I do think that he’ll compress into a smaller role than the one he enjoyed at Iowa State, Jefferson’s also no slouch as a scorer himself, and his deflection-heavy defensive approach would feed right into their overall speed advantage.”

    Inquirer says: Though Jefferson’s age (22) likely lowers his ultimate ceiling, he feels like a plug-and-play depth guy with an immediately transferable skill as an offensive connector. An interesting tidbit: The Ringer’s draft guide compares Jefferson to current Sixer Trendon Watford, along with Collin Murray-Boyles, the Toronto Raptors’ standout rookie.

    Koa Peat averaged 14.1 points as a freshman at Arizona last season.David Zalubowski

    The Athletic and CBS: Koa Peat, Arizona forward

    The Athletic says: “Sources around the league are still trying to figure out what new head of basketball operations Mike Gansey’s type will be. So this pick might just be me wish-casting a bit, but I can’t imagine a better fit for both Peat and an organization. With Joel Embiid playing more consistently on the perimeter now, Peat could use his athleticism and strength to crash along the baseline and make smart plays while also providing tough defensive energy. The 76ers desperately need a four with some power to his game, and Peat brings that in a big way. I have Peat higher than this on my personal board, but sources across the league are unsure where he slots into the class.”

    CBS says: “Peat is higher than this on the CBS Big Board, but his glaring lack of shooting is going to require a specific fit. The Sixers lack a long-term solution at the four, can get their floor-spacing from Embiid’s face-up skill set, and could benefit from Peat’s strength, physicality, intangibles, winning pedigree, and ability to get downhill.”

    Inquirer says: Again, the lack of shooting is an eyebrow-raiser if added to a Sixers team that was not good enough from beyond the arc. But Peat’s rugged style at a position of need could be a nice complementary fit.

    Other possibilities

    Allen Graves, Santa Clara forward

    ESPN had Graves mocked to the Sixers before Monday. He is an “analytics darling” who did not even start for his college team but has become a fast-rising prospect. At 6-8 and 225 pounds, Graves is not a supreme athlete. But he boasts a terrific feel for the game that shows up in his passing, rebounding and defensive playmaking, along with underrated qualities such as great hands and screening ability.

    Tarris Reed Jr., a 6-11 forward, averaged 14.7 points and 9.0 rebounds at UConn last season.Abbie Parr

    Tarris Reed, Connecticut big man

    Another big man option, CBS had Reed mocked to the Sixers before Monday. He is a more traditional center in stature and as a rebounder, rim protector and inside finisher. He also performed well on the biggest stage during UConn’s March Madness run to the national title game.

    Jayden Quaintance, Kentucky big man

    The 6-9, 255-pound big man had lottery potential before knee surgery limited him to four games at Kentucky after transferring from Arizona State. When healthy, Quaintance was a dominant shot blocker and mobile defender, but still had a long way to go on the offensive end. Can the Sixers risk drafting another big man with health concerns? Or is that a gamble worth taking at this point in the draft, especially on a player who has not yet turned 19?

    Hannes Steinbach, Washington forward

    The Sixers should perhaps consider Steinbach for one reason alone: He led Division I basketball in rebounding last season. At 6-foot-11 and 250 pounds, Steinbach also has potential to become a floor-spacing big man.

    Henri Veesaar, North Carolina big man

    Notice a trend here? Veesaar boasts skills and versatility as a long-range shooter and pick-and-roll player, but needs a lot of work as a defensive presence. The lanky 7-foot, 225-pounder trained overseas before coming to the States, and began his college career at Arizona.

    Morez Johnson, Michigan forward

    Johnson was the high-motor, do-the-little-things spark of Michigan’s national title team. Though he is not a polished offensive player, he tested excellently at last month’s combine and is a physical and versatile defender.