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  • Horoscopes: Tuesday, Sept. 8, 2026

    Horoscopes: Tuesday, Sept. 8, 2026

    ARIES (March 21-April 19). Maybe your progress has been hindered by other people’s perceptions of you, but likely it’s your perception of you that has made the biggest impact and some of that is inaccurate. You’re capable of more than you think you are.

    TAURUS (April 20-May 20). Creating involves stages and steps that are much more fun to execute than they are to watch. That’s why when you’re creating, it’s wise not to invite an audience until the end. Let the process be unselfconscious.

    GEMINI (May 21-June 21). It would be physically impossible to give your attention to all who want it. And whether or not you realize it, you have a system for determining where to focus. What you learn today will help you tune up the system.

    CANCER (June 22-July 22). Rest allows you to catch your breath while your best ideas have a chance to catch up with you. The time you spend away from your responsibilities will improve the time you spend returning to them.

    LEO (July 23-Aug. 22). You’re always in the middle of a learning process. As long as you have curiosity, this will be you. The little frustrations that happen when you don’t know what you’re doing yet are badges of honor for the lifelong learner.

    VIRGO (Aug. 23-Sept. 22). One small improvement will make a real difference. For instance, a loved one’s tone of voice can give you a new feeling about the relationship, a belief that you’re allied and that beautiful things are possible because of this.

    LIBRA (Sept. 23-Oct. 23). Today you’ll be like a journalist with taste, hunting down the story just because it fascinates you. And if you’re curious, you can bet others will be, too. You’ll get to the truth of the matter.

    SCORPIO (Oct. 24-Nov. 21). You’re moving fast and you’ll experience multiple locations over the course of the day, so it’s only natural for certain details to get lost in the blur. This is not a warning to slow down but a suggestion to adjust expectations.

    SAGITTARIUS (Nov. 22-Dec. 21). It’s worth learning what your project will be without the influence of others. You can always do new drafts later, but you can’t go back to the original impulse once you invite outside feedback.

    CAPRICORN (Dec. 22-Jan. 19). Imagine if everyone wanted the same job, admired the same people and chased the same dreams. Life depends on differences. You’ll lean into those particular interests that fill a space no one else occupies quite the same way.

    AQUARIUS (Jan. 20-Feb. 18). Last week, you were last-week-you. This week, you’re this-week-you. There’s no continuity expert who is going to complain if you’re doing the character different now. You’re allowed to change in whichever direction you want.

    PISCES (Feb. 19-March 20). It’s better to connect with a person while you have the chance than wait until you’re ready. You don’t have to perfectly present yourself. A story doesn’t have to have an ending to be worth telling. People want the play-by-play.

    TODAY’S BIRTHDAY (Sept. 8). In your Year of the Faun, life dances with curiosity and playfulness. Even your most serious pursuits have their roots in enjoyment and your keen instinct for finding and sharing happiness. More highlights: A partner makes ordinary things more enjoyable and extraordinary things more possible. You’ll be well paid for your judgment and taste. You create something once that continues earning long after it’s complete. Sagittarius and Virgo adore you. Your lucky numbers are: 9, 19, 4, 20 and 33.

  • Police confront crowds of teens on two consecutive nights in Dilworth Park

    Police confront crowds of teens on two consecutive nights in Dilworth Park

    Confrontations between large groups of teenagers and Philadelphia police made for a tense scene in Dilworth Park outside City Hall over the holiday weekend and led to at least three arrests.

    On Sunday, Philadelphia police issued seven citations for disorderly conduct, a spokesperson said. In addition, three people were arrested, one for robbery, another for disorderly conduct, and a third for violating gun laws.

    In addition, an Inquirer reporter observed police detaining several young people on Monday evening as police sought to keep teens from reconvening inside the park. In one of the incidents, an officer appeared to sustain a bloody nose while tackling a young woman.

    Philadelphia police spokesperson Corporal Jasmine Colón-Reilly said she did not have information about what led police to respond to the scene Sunday, nor the extent of any injuries. She said she did not have information about the Monday evening incident.

    Videos shared on Instagram appear to show a hundred or more young people gathered in the park on Sunday, before police rush into the park to detain a person. In one of those incidents, a young man appeared to be assaulted by others in the crowd. Another video showed an apparently injured person collapse in the street. It was not clear from the videos whether the person was part of the crowd.

  • Temple won its opener but didn’t meet expectations. How will it adjust against Penn State?

    Temple won its opener but didn’t meet expectations. How will it adjust against Penn State?

    Temple finally showcased the fruits of its weeks of fall training camp and did it with a two-quarterback system and a whole lot of running the football.

    Sharing the reins, Ajani Sheppard completed 5 of 10 passes for 85 yards, while Jaxon Smolik completed 4 of 6 for 57 yards. Smolik was sacked twice and fumbled two times, but also threw Temple’s only passing touchdown in a season-opening 38-14 win over Rhode Island. Sheppard looked far more comfortable carrying the ball.

    But the real story of the ground game was running back Keveun Mason, who stepped in for banged-up Sam Brown. He exploded for 158 yards — just 9 fewer than his total from all of 2025 — and two touchdowns.

    Now coach K.C. Keeler’s Owls are preparing for a major step up in competition against No. 18 Penn State (1-0) on Saturday (noon, ESPN2).

    “Monday’s a cleanup day for us,” Keeler said. “You can just feel the low energy. I think they were just disappointed they didn’t play better [against Rhode Island]. … But at the same time, I am very appreciative of the fact they have very high expectations of where this team should go and what we can do.”

    Quarterback battle

    The Owls answered questions regarding who will be the starting quarterback by unorthodoxly starting with both candidates on the field. Smolik took the opening snap from center Grayson Mains before handing it off to Sheppard, who found wide receiver Colin Chase for 21 yards.

    Then Temple began to stagger snaps between them. They each took 31 snaps, according to Keeler. After the win, Keeler said he didn’t see either move the needle in terms of securing the position, and he’s still unsure what it will look like this Saturday.

    The upcoming days of practice could reveal who the starter will be against Penn State. Keeler and offensive coordinator Tyler Walker will review the tape in hopes of getting closer to a decision. Walker hails from a Montana State offense that featured a two-headed snake at quarterback in 2022 and 2023.

    Jaxon Smolik threw Temple’s only touchdown pass on Saturday against Rhode Island.Tyger Williams / Staff Photographer

    But the Owls are looking to stray away from that game plan long term. As for the QB plan against PSU, Temple’s still undecided on who, but Keeler said there are kinks to be ironed out for both.

    “There might be some collaborativeness in the effort, but eventually someone’s got to play more snaps than the other guy,” Keeler said. “But like I said, if you look at it, there’s some good things you could take, but we need more consistency.

    “And that’s for both of them.”

    Injury update

    Temple has already dealt with injuries to key players, as left tackle Giakoby Hills and linebacker Eric Stuart exited early against Rhode Island. Left guard Eric King, safety Avery Powell, and Brown did not play against the Rams, though it’s possible Powell plays this weekend. None of their specific injuries have been announced.

    Hills has been confirmed to miss at least six weeks, stretching past the Owls’ first bye week in late October. King, Powell, and Brown participated in Monday’s practice.

    Adding to the injured offensive line is Kevin Terry, who didn’t participate in practice. The redshirt junior has been hampered by injuries the past two years, missing the season debut against Howard in 2025 and sitting out two games in 2024. Keeler has labeled him as a game-time decision. Terry’s presence on Saturday would be a huge help in wrestling with Penn State’s big defensive ends.

    But perhaps the largest looming factor is Brown’s situation. The Rutgers transfer has emerged as one of Temple’s key players and was awarded a single-digit jersey number in August. Keeler doesn’t want to push his health, but Brown has been progressing quicker than expected, with the coach labeling him another game-time decision.

    “It’s a long season, and I don’t want to put him out there if he’s 85%, not against Penn State,” Keeler said. “To be honest, I think there was a chance you said, ‘OK, we’re shooting for Toledo.’ Now, we’re shooting for Penn State, because he’s felt really good out there.”

  • Philly workers celebrate ‘beauty of union solidarity,’ bemoan rising costs at Labor Day parade

    Philly workers celebrate ‘beauty of union solidarity,’ bemoan rising costs at Labor Day parade

    For more than an hour, waves of union members and their families marched and chanted along a half-mile stretch of Washington Avenue late Monday morning, their steps amplified by the percussive thunder of drum line groups.

    Some could have easily opted to spend their Labor Day — balmy as it was, with blue skies and occasional tufts of cotton candy clouds — on a beach or at a barbecue, mused Wendell Young IV, president of United Food and Commercial Workers Local 1776, as he trekked past houses and storefronts in a blue T-shirt that bore the words “Solidarity is a vibe.”

    But Young said he thought anger over some of President Donald Trump’s policies — such as a controversial attempt to end collective bargaining rights for more than a million federal workers — had compelled many union members to instead take to the streets for the 39th Annual Tri-State Labor Day Parade.

    “He’s more interested in putting his name on buildings and arcs,” Young said, “than protecting the rights of workers.”

    Economic anxiety was a recurring theme throughout the parade, as it is across much of the U.S. Federal Reserve data in January showed that wealth inequality in the country had reached its highest level since 1989.

    Lois Crudele, of Brooklawn, with Local 152 of the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union, is holding up the American flag while walking with fellow union members during Monday’s parade.Tyger Williams / Staff Photographer

    “Workers in general are very concerned about cost increases across the board,” said Danny Bauder, president of the Philadelphia Council AFL-CIO. “Inflation keeps increasing [prices], and the job market is tight.”

    Nina Coffey, secretary and treasurer for SEIU Local 668, which represents 20,000 social service union employees in Pennsylvania, said members most often express concern about the “rising costs of healthcare, being able to put food on the table, as well as unregulated artificial intelligence that we’re facing.”

    Yet uncertainty did not overshadow what was an otherwise joyous day.

    Behind Coffey, on Washington Avenue near Fifth Street, SEIU members on a purple and gold float tossed candy to giddy children on a sidewalk, where handfuls of smiling onlookers waved and recorded with their phones.

    Bauder praised what he called “the beauty of union solidarity” — the communal lift that members experience when another union achieves a victory. He cited, as an example, the 1,500 unionized Peco workers who won raises and full retirement medical coverage after briefly going on strike in July, and hotel union workers who also secured wage increases after going on strike in June.

    During a rally before the parade, outside the Sheet Metal Workers’ Local 19 Training Center on Columbus Boulevard, city and state officials preached from a platform about organized labor’s enduring presence.

    “Philadelphia is a union town forever,” said city managing director Carlton Williams, who added that union workers have cleaned more than 150,000 city blocks under Mayor Cherelle L. Parker’s administration.

    Charlene Little (left) and Tanita Williams (right), of West Philadelphia, with SEIU Local 668, with their parade float.Tyger Williams / Staff Photographer

    Parker appeared briefly during the pre-parade gathering, then left abruptly.

    “The mayor was here and wasn’t feeling well. She will be fine,” Parker’s spokesperson, Joe Grace, wrote in a text message. “She is sorry to miss an important event for organized labor that she never, ever misses.”

    Parker later returned, and then attended two additional Labor Day events.

    Pennsylvania Lt. Gov. Austin Davis, who also addressed the assembled union members, noted that his father is a union bus driver in Pittsburgh.

    “I know what a good union job can do for a family. I’ve seen it,” Davis said. “And I think we’re going to continue to fight to protect that way of life here in Pennsylvania.”

    A recent Gallup poll found that unions have a 71% approval rating, a figure that was surpassed only in the 1950s and in 1936.

    The same poll showed that 47% of Americans want unions to have more influence than they currently do.

    But only 10% of U.S. workers are union members, according to the most recent data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. That percentage is slightly higher in Pennsylvania, at 10.9%, and New Jersey, at 14.7%.

    Billy Williams, of Northeast Philadelphia, with Local 57 of the Laborers’ International Union of North America, is leading chants for his fellow union members.Tyger Williams / Staff Photographer

    Perception of unions improved during the COVID-19 pandemic — when nurses, bus drivers, and grocery workers were deemed essential — and has remained high ever since, Paul Clark, a professor of labor and employment relations at Pennsylvania State University, wrote in an email.

    As many Americans’ standard of living has fallen, and income inequality has grown more extreme, labor unions have appeared to many as the “only institution that could help working people win a bigger share of the wealth they were creating and that they deserved,” Clark said.

  • Why Amy Klobuchar wants to run a state beleaguered by Trump

    Why Amy Klobuchar wants to run a state beleaguered by Trump

    ST. PAUL, Minn. — On a sweltering summer morning, Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D.,Minn.) was making small talk with merchants at the St. Paul farmers market when a cheesemaker expressed a sentiment that has kept coming up as Klobuchar campaigns for Minnesota governor.

    “We’re going to miss you in Washington,” the cheesemaker, Brenda Carlson, told Klobuchar while bagging a piece of Tilsit.

    Klobuchar acknowledged having mixed feelings about leaving her seat as the chamber’s third highest-ranking Democrat. “But we need to get this sorted out,” she said, frowning slightly.

    By “this,” Klobuchar meant the current condition of Minnesota, which has become a punching bag in the Trump administration’s quest to portray Democratic-run states and cities as hopelessly dysfunctional.

    As she gears up for what could be the capstone of a decades-long political career, Klobuchar is pitching herself as uniquely qualified to clean up the messes at home and reset the state’s poisonous relationship with the White House.

    Her reputation makes the case, supporters say: She is known as both a hard-charging workaholic who scrutinizes program details to a fault and a centrist with allies on both sides of the aisle in Washington, including in President Donald Trump’s administration.

    But both qualities could also cause friction. Minnesota agencies are bracing for turbulence as Klobuchar vows to audit every state program. And many residents remain shell shocked from the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown early this year, which paralyzed the Twin Cities for weeks and left two U.S. citizens dead.

    When it comes to relations with the president, some residents say they want a fighter in the governor’s office, not a conciliator.

    Nekima Levy Armstrong, a civil rights lawyer who is facing trial over her role organizing a protest against Immigration and Customs Enforcement at a church, said Klobuchar did not speak out stridently enough about the wintertime deportation campaign.

    “Many of us felt abandoned by our elected officials during Operation Metro Surge,” Levy Armstrong said. “We felt abandoned by Amy Klobuchar in particular.”

    In an interview, Klobuchar said she was “as angry about some of the things Trump has done as anyone.”

    “But I have decided that I’m going to get us to a higher place and not act like him,” she said. Her first goal, she added, “is to earn back the trust of the people of Minnesota in state government.”

    For now, Minnesota Democrats have expressed almost uniform relief that Klobuchar is their nominee rather than current Gov. Tim Walz.

    They began 2026 in panic mode as a scandal over widespread fraud in state-run safety net programs dogged Walz’s bid for a third term. State lawmakers openly fretted that his name at the top of the ballot in this year’s midterm elections would give Republicans a strong shot at winning the governor’s mansion for the first time in two decades and controlling the tightly divided Legislature.

    “I would definitely be lying if I said that the worry meter wasn’t ticking up, up, up by the week,” said state Rep. Mike Howard, a Democrat from the Twin Cities.

    They exhaled when Walz dropped his reelection bid in early January, as the Trump administration was sending thousands of immigration agents to the state in what the president called a campaign of “RECKONING & RETRIBUTION.”

    Klobuchar announced her run for governor later that month as Minnesotans were reeling from the killings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti, two American citizens shot by immigration agents in Minneapolis. “These times call for grit and resilience,” Klobuchar proclaimed.

    The announcement amounted to a reversal of fortunes for Democrats, making Klobuchar the clear favorite in the general election race against Lisa Demuth, the Republican speaker of the Minnesota House. Even far-left lawmakers in the state Capitol — where the party has a one-seat majority in the Senate and is tied in the House — have emerged as enthusiastic surrogates for Klobuchar.

    “People in the Democratic Party here in Minnesota understand she’s our best path to winning a majority and defending ourselves from Donald Trump,” said state Sen. Zaynab Mohamed, a member of the democratic socialist wing of the party.

    Klobuchar kicked off her run by calling all 101 Democrats in the Legislature, keeping several on the phone for more than an hour. There was talk of campaign strategy, lawmakers said, but Klobuchar was most interested in their policy goals.

    When she ran for president in 2020, Klobuchar was the subject of several critical articles depicting her as a perfectionist and difficult boss whose office had among the highest turnover in the Senate.

    Klobuchar has a tendency to personally tackle tasks most elected officials delegate and to fire off all-caps emails to aides, which often land in inboxes between midnight and dawn.

    Some supporters now call that feverish approach an asset.

    State Rep. Zack Stephenson, the Democratic leader in the Minnesota House, recalled being startled by a 3 a.m. email from Klobuchar in 2006 when he served as a lowly aide in her first Senate campaign.

    “The lesson I took away from that race is that to be successful in politics, the secret is to work really hard,” he said.

    The sense of relief extends to Democratic voters like Carlson, the cheesemaker, who says she has soured on Walz, a former schoolteacher and coach who oversaw the adoption of a raft of progressive policies and made a splash on the national stage by running for vice president in 2024.

    In recent years, Carlson said, small-business owners like herself have grown frustrated by tax increases and red tape that seem to grow each year. Then came revelations about rampant fraud in state programs meant to feed low-income children, treat minors with autism, and help people at risk of homelessness.

    “I just think things got away from him when he did the whole run,” said Carlson, 54, who lives in Center City, a conservative town 40 miles north of the Twin Cities. “He couldn’t keep a watchful eye, and whoever was wasn’t doing their job.”

    She said she hoped Klobuchar would be different.

    That is the senator’s pitch.

    Having enthusiastically backed Walz’s vice-presidential bid two years ago, Klobuchar has now distanced herself from him.

    She kicked off her campaign in May by announcing a detailed plan to combat fraud. Evoking the years she served as the elected county prosecutor in Minneapolis, she stood alongside the former U.S. attorney in Minnesota against a backdrop of law books.

    “You are right to be angry about the fraud,” Klobuchar said at the time.

    Klobuchar has also questioned how Walz and allied lawmakers spent a $17 billion surplus in 2023. After Walz granted a pardon in June to a man convicted of child sexual abuse who was facing deportation to Laos, Klobuchar said she would have let the conviction stand.

    A spokesperson for Walz did not respond to a request for comment.

    Demuth, the Republican candidate for governor, has sought to portray Klobuchar’s bid as a de facto third term for Walz, questioning why she wasn’t outspoken about the fraud problem before jumping into the race.

    “She will not be able to enact the changes that are desperately needed,” Demuth said in an interview.

    Klobuchar has called Demuth a “rubber stamp for Donald Trump.”

    But how Klobuchar will approach the Trump administration — and whether that will satisfy Democrats in a state with a strong leftist streak — remains unclear.

    Activists have pressed her to adopt a statewide sanctuary policy for immigrants without legal status, which would ban local jurisdictions from signing cooperation agreements with ICE. One activist recently confronted Klobuchar about the issue as she marched in a small town parade.

    So far she has refused. In the interview, Klobuchar, who has long championed a broad overhaul of the immigration system, said she intended to make a case that immigrants are vital to Minnesota’s economic growth.

    “I cannot tell you the number of small businesses that we have run by immigrants in our state,” she said.

    Klobuchar trounced a handful of little-known candidates in the Aug. 11 primary, winning nearly 90% of the vote. That dominance meant she avoided being meaningfully drawn into fraught policy debates playing out in other national races, said Kobey Layne, 26, a democratic socialist who placed a distant second.

    Layne said she worried that as governor, Klobuchar would prioritize bipartisan cooperation and incremental change over bold overhauls, such as the creation of a state-run, single-payer healthcare system.

    Asked about the growing clout of democratic socialists, Klobuchar said she welcomed intraparty policy debates and expected pushback from all sides if elected. She also acknowledged rumors that she was considering appointing Republicans to her cabinet.

    “Spoiler alert,” she said. “You’re not going to like everything I do.”

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • Party’s over for crypto scammers who went on a spending spree after a $240 million bitcoin theft

    Party’s over for crypto scammers who went on a spending spree after a $240 million bitcoin theft

    WASHINGTON — They pulled off one of the largest cryptocurrency thefts in U.S. history, duping a stranger out of bitcoin worth over $240 million. They tried to hide their digital fingerprints, carrying out a sophisticated scheme to launder the proceeds.

    And then the party started.

    The scammers — a network of young men in their late teens or early 20s — celebrated the August 2024 heist by embarking on a wild spending spree. They purchased fleets of sports cars, flew on private jets, hired security guards, and rented mansions in Miami and the Hamptons. An alleged ringleader, 22-year-old Malone Lam, spent over $569,000 in one evening at a Los Angeles night club.

    Their bender lasted a month before FBI agents arrested Lam on charges that he organized a “social engineering” attack on the Washington, D.C., resident. Lam, an eighth-grade dropout from Singapore, has a plea agreement hearing set for Tuesday. His conviction would be a capstone for the government’s investigation.

    The charges against Lam and 17 others are an extreme example of an increasingly common form of cybercrime. Complaints of cryptocurrency investment fraud to the FBI rose by nearly 50% in 2025, while Republican President Donald Trump’s administration largely abandoned a regulatory crackdown on the volatile industry.

    Last year, the Justice Department disbanded a unit dedicated to prosecuting crypto-related crimes. Meanwhile, crypto companies that complained of unfair treatment during Democratic President Joe Biden’s presidency are enjoying the government’s hands-off approach under Trump, who took in roughly $1.2 billion from his crypto businesses in 2025.

    Cybersecurity researcher Allison Nixon, who has spent years tracking the Com, an underground subculture of young hackers united by the “insane amount of money” that crypto fraud can generate, advocates for more law enforcement resources to go after them.

    “If we don’t seriously ramp up the resources to take these people down and do it faster, then it’s going to spread more and more,” she said.

    Scammers nabbed millions though ‘social engineering’ heist

    A man identified as “Victim 7” in court filings was at home in Washington on Aug. 18, 2024, when his phone rang. The first caller identified himself as a Google representative inquiring about attempts to breach his account. A second, claiming to be from the Gemini crypto exchange, warned the man of a malware attack affecting his crypto wallet.

    The callers manipulated the man into giving them access to his Google Drive and revealing security codes that allowed Lam to siphon off over 4,100 bitcoin, according to prosecutors. They said Lam and his friends on the calls — Veer Chetal and Jeandiel Serrano — targeted the man because he was a wealthy, longtime crypto investor.

    A private recording captured the moment when the friends realized how much money they just stole, according to a video posted by a well-known private investigator of cryptocurrency crimes who goes by ZachXBT.

    “Oh, my God! Bro, bro, I’m going to spaz out!” a voice on the video said.

    Once they swiped the man’s savings, they used money laundering specialists to wash it through multiple exchange platforms and convert virtual currency into government-issued cash.

    It wasn’t the first social engineering scam for the friends, who met in online gaming forums. They had teamed up on other multimillion-dollar thefts since late 2023 using a similar playbook, according to prosecutors.

    This time, however, one of them made a costly mistake: Serrano failed to conceal his IP address when he created an account on a cryptocurrency exchange to hold nearly $30 million in stolen crypto, according to prosecutors. Investigators linked the IP address to a home in Encino, Calif., that Serrano was renting for $47,500 a month.

    Lavish spending quickly drew attention

    Serrano was vacationing in the Maldives when investigators identified him as a suspect. Lam was in Los Angeles, where he and friends spent $4 million at nightclubs in one month, authorities say. Chetal gifted a Lamborghini to his parents and hid a duffel bag filled with $500,000 in cash in their laundry machine.

    Word of their windfall quickly spread in crypto scammers’ circles. A week after the big score, Chetal’s parents were driving in Danbury, Conn., when several masked men cut them off, forced them out of their new car, beat Chetal’s father with a baseball bat, shoved the couple into a van, and bound their hands.

    The captors, from Miami, had intended to use Chetal’s parents as leverage for extorting him into giving up his share of the stolen crypto. But the ransom plot fell apart when witnesses notified police, who apprehended the carjackers.

    The FBI showed up to search Chetal’s apartment in Brunswick, N.J., on Sept. 9, 2024, and found $37 million in stolen crypto in his possession. He agreed to cooperate with their investigation.

    Lam was attracting attention, too, for spending hundreds of thousands of dollars a night at clubs and tossing handbags worth tens of thousands of dollars to women in the crowds. He also used stolen cryptocurrency to buy a $2 million watch and over 30 cars, including custom Porsches, Lamborghinis, and Ferraris, according to the FBI.

    “This luxury lifestyle, of which so many young men and women could only dream, was just built on a foundation of fraud,” a prosecutor, William Hart, said during a recent sentencing hearing for a money laundering co-defendant.

    ‘Ferris Bueller gone bad’

    Serrano was wearing a $500,000 watch when FBI agents arrested him at Los Angeles International Airport on Sept. 18, 2024. He initially professed his innocence but soon admitted to having roughly $20 million of the D.C. man’s stolen crypto, prosecutors said.

    Lam was arrested at one of his Miami mansions on the same day as Serrano. An off-duty law enforcement officer had tipped off Lam that authorities were on their way to arrest him, the indictment says.

    “We always talked about what it would be like if I were to go down, but never thought it would be this crazy,” Lam told associates from jail on a recorded call, according to his indictment.

    The judge for Lam’s initial court appearance in Miami sounded astonished by a prosecutor’s summary of his lavish spending.

    “I could only think of Ferris Bueller gone bad,” U.S. Magistrate Alicia Valle said, referring to the school-skipping protagonist of the 1986 movie Ferris Bueller’s Day Off.

    Lam’s capture didn’t stop the splurging. Ferro, who pleaded guilty to a racketeering conspiracy charge last year, used stolen funds to cover Lam’s legal expenses.

    Judgment days

    Eighteen defendants have been charged. Lam would be the 11th to plead guilty. At Lam’s first court appearance, a prosecutor estimated that his sentencing guidelines would recommend a prison term of at least 14 years upon conviction.

    U.S. District Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly, who presides over Lam’s case, already has sentenced three of his co-conspirators. She sentenced two money launderers to prison terms of approximately six years.

    Chetal pleaded guilty to conspiracy charges in November 2024 and awaits sentencing. Serrano’s charges remain pending.

    Tucker Desmond, who pleaded guilty to destroying evidence of other plotters’ crimes, was sentenced to probation. Desmond apologized at his sentencing hearing in March, saying he “got obsessed with the image of success rather than actually becoming a hard-working individual myself.”

    Ferro declined to address the court during his sentencing hearing in May. His attorney, Kevin Wilson, described the co-defendants as mischievous “young kids,” but the judge didn’t accept that as an excuse.

    “Being young only goes so far,” Kollar-Kotelly said.

  • Trump officials strip military language criticizing Confederate memorial

    Trump officials strip military language criticizing Confederate memorial

    The Trump administration has removed language criticizing a memorial to the Confederacy formerly located in Arlington National Cemetery, part of its ongoing effort to reshape portrayals of the Civil War.

    The Confederate Memorial, a 32-foot bronze statue commissioned by the United Daughters of the Confederacy and unveiled in 1914, was removed from the military cemetery in 2023. Its removal followed a congressional mandate to rid U.S. military property of names and symbols honoring the Confederacy and its leaders.

    The decision by the bipartisan Naming Commission to remove the statue was based on criticism and backlash over the memorial’s depictions, which included an enslaved woman carrying an infant child of a white officer and an enslaved man following his owner to war.

    A Defense Department website and a marker at the memorial’s former site included contextual language describing the sculpture as portraying a “nostalgic, mythologized vision of the Confederacy, including highly sanitized depictions of slavery.” The website also described the two Black figures as enslaved people, including an enslaved woman depicted as a “Mammy,” and it remarked on how the portrayal of the “faithful slave” helped to shape American pop culture.

    Now, that language has been removed from the website, and the marker in the cemetery has been replaced by a new sign that omits wording critical of slavery and the Confederacy.

    The website also formerly featured additional context about the sculpture’s symbolism, including a Latin phrase inscribed on it.

    “An inscription … construes the South’s secession as a noble ‘Lost Cause,’” the website previously read. “This narrative of the Lost Cause, which romanticized the pre-Civil War South and denied the horrors of slavery, fueled white backlash against Reconstruction and the rights that the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments (1865-1870) had granted to African Americans.”

    That language and other text was removed in recent weeks, according to photographs of the sign and archived versions of the webpage.

    Asked about the changes to the sign and the website, the Defense Department referred questions to Arlington National Cemetery, which did not respond Monday.

    The statue was relocated to the Virginia Military Institute in 2023 amid some congressional GOP opposition. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said last year that the statue would be reinstalled at Arlington National Cemetery. Last year, then-Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin (R) had said that the statue would return next year.

    “The Army expects to display the sculpture at this site in 2027 after it has undergone comprehensive conservation and refurbishment,” according to a new marker in Arlington National Cemetery at the statue’s former site.

    Stephen West, a Catholic University historian, said he first noticed that the sign had been changed when he visited Arlington National Cemetery on Sunday.

    “The language that used to be on the sign and website described the Memorial correctly. Ezekiel’s sculpture did sanitize slavery, and it did mythologize the Confederacy,” West wrote in a text message to the Washington Post. “And so as a historian, I’m deeply disturbed by the removal of that language and by plans to restore the statue — especially because they’re of a piece with the censoring and slanting of history at other federal sites.”

    Trump has previously said he supports efforts to recognize the Confederacy and sees it as a freedom of speech issue.

    “When people proudly have their Confederate flags, they’re not talking about racism,” Trump said in a 2020 interview with Fox News. “They love their flag, it represents the South; they like the South.”

    The president has decried efforts to remove Confederate statues and worked to reinstall them in his second term.

    A statue of Confederate Gen. Albert Pike that was torn down and torched by protesters in 2020 was restored to its original location in downtown Washington in October. And last year the Pentagon ordered that a portrait of Gen. Robert E. Lee in his Confederate uniform be restored to the West Point library. The painting, which had been ordered removed by the Naming Commission, featured an enslaved man in the background tending to Lee’s horse.

    Ty Seidule, a retired U.S. Army brigadier general who served as vice chair on the commission, said he was particularly disturbed by the Confederate Memorial’s pending return.

    The Confederate Memorial “is the cruelest monument that I have ever seen,” Seidule said in an interview Monday. He said that he and a number of his colleagues called the statue “the most egregious example of racism that they had seen on any public land in America. It is a pro-slavery, anti-United States monument.”

    Seidule said the rewording of the marker and the website is the first step the administration is taking before bringing the memorial back to the cemetery. Restoring the monument, he said, would be “against the will of the American people through their elected representatives in the law that they created.”

  • Ousted Kennedy Center chairperson buys dismantled ‘Blue’ sculpture

    Ousted Kennedy Center chairperson buys dismantled ‘Blue’ sculpture

    Billionaire philanthropist David Rubenstein has purchased the abstract sculpture called Blue that was removed from the grounds of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts last week, according to two people familiar with the sale.

    It will eventually be displayed in the Sculpture Garden of the National Gallery of Art, the people said.

    Rubenstein, a major arts donor, was chairperson of the Kennedy Center’s board until he was ousted in early 2025 during President Donald Trump’s takeover. He is the chairperson of the board of trustees at the National Gallery.

    He purchased the sculpture from a foundation dedicated to its artist, Joel Shapiro, which received the artwork after its removal. One of the people familiar with the sale said the price was more than $2 million.

    Since 2019, the 24-foot-tall, stick-figure-like sculpture stood on the grounds of the Reach, an addition to the Kennedy Center that was partly funded by Rubenstein, who co-founded private equity giant the Carlyle Group. The sculpture was deinstalled with no prior notice or explanation from the institution, drawing a flurry of questions and objections from local patrons who considered it a landmark overlooking the Potomac River.

    Representatives for the National Gallery did not immediately respond to requests for comment, and it was not clear when Blue would go on display.

    The Kennedy Center board has voted to close for a two-year, $250 million renovation project championed by Trump. But officials have proposed that the Reach remain open, partly to serve as an active memorial to President John F. Kennedy, which is required by law.

    Shapiro, who died in 2025, had given the sculpture to the Kennedy Center as a gift for the opening of the Reach. After it was deinstalled, it was transferred to the artist’s foundation, which is run by his daughter Ivy Shapiro.

    Ivy Shapiro did not immediately respond to requests for comment on the purchase. She said last week that her father would have been “alarmed” by the sculpture’s removal from the Kennedy Center, where it had been originally intended as a permanent fixture.

    The aluminum sculpture, painted a vivid blue, was designed to look like a person mid-kick while dancing on the grass.

    “In Joel’s mind, it was one of his greatest site-specific commissions, which celebrated joy, freedom, and creativity,” Shapiro said last week.

    Trump, who replaced Rubenstein as chairperson of the Kennedy Center board after stacking it with loyalists, has been pushing for months to close the building for renovations that he and his allies say are desperately needed.

    The closure was temporarily blocked by a federal judge, who also rejected the board’s decision to add Trump’s name to the center’s official title. The center’s officials are now seeking to persuade the judge to allow for the closure and for the president’s name to be inscribed on the building’s marble facade, in recognition of his role in securing money from Congress for the renovations.

    This weekend, officials at the center intensified their push for a closure, alerting the public to a hole in the ceiling of the building’s Grand Foyer that they said was caused by recent storms.

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • For Trump’s former fixer, a tortured path from ‘rat’ to reconciliation

    For Trump’s former fixer, a tortured path from ‘rat’ to reconciliation

    WASHINGTON — On a radio show last month, President Donald Trump welcomed Michael Cohen, the former fixer he once denounced as a “rat” for testifying against him, back into the fold. “I respect the fact that you recanted everything you said,” Trump said. He went on to use the word “recant” three more times.

    In case anyone missed it, the president posted a message on social media Friday claiming that Cohen, a key witness against Trump in criminal and civil trials, “has just fully RECANTED his testimony.” Trump demanded “that any remnant of those Politically Weaponized Cases against me be immediately terminated and dismissed.”

    Except that Cohen has not, in fact, recanted his testimony. He has not taken any of it back.

    In his eagerness to return to the president’s good graces, Cohen now says he “felt pressured and coerced” by prosecutors to testify. But he has not actually disavowed anything that he swore to under oath about Trump’s hush money scheme to cover up an affair with an adult film actor or about his former boss’s efforts to defraud his lenders.

    And so this unlikeliest of rapprochements between two men who helped get each other convicted of crimes is built not on an emotional outpouring of forgiveness but on what looks like a pretty straightforward bargain, spoken or unspoken, according to people close to both. Trump is trying to use his former lawyer’s desire for absolution to rewrite history as he presses his effort to overturn his conviction. Cohen gets to position himself as an insider once again and possibly obtain a presidential pardon to wipe out his own felony record.

    “Everything is transactional,” said Brian Karem, a journalist who helped Cohen write the second of his books assailing Trump. “It’s the weirdest example yet of the transactional nature of the president of the United States and those around him. Who knows him better than Michael? I’m just surprised that it took him this long. The first thing I said was, ‘Wow, it took you long enough.’”

    The unlikeliest of reunions

    Even in the long history of strange-bedfellow political alliances, this may be one of the strangest. To call the reconciliation between Trump and Cohen Shakespearean would not fully capture just how mind-boggling it really is. The Bard would have been hard-pressed to come up with a scenario quite so far-fetched.

    Trump, to be sure, has a well-known history of falling back in with people he has fallen out with. (Think Elon Musk, Steve Bannon, Michael Flynn, or, for that matter, his current vice president who once compared him to Adolf Hitler, or his secretary of state who once questioned the size of his private parts.)

    But as one baffled Trump ally put it, Cohen is not someone who just trash-talked the president; he actually testified in court against him. Cohen went to prison because, he said, he committed crimes at the instructions of the man he now again calls “Boss.” And in a trial in which his onetime fixer provided evidence for the prosecution, Trump was convicted of 34 felonies that, had it not been for the intervening 2024 election, might have put him behind bars as well.

    “You can’t write it,” said Donny Deutsch, a longtime New York advertising executive and television commentator who has been close with Cohen for years, reflecting the astonishment in both New York and Washington. “These two guys who were archenemies found mutual shared interest to get back in bed together.”

    Deutsch said he did not blame Cohen, who in his view was collateral damage for Trump. “Michael was left by the side of the road as roadkill,” he said. “Beyond going to prison, he couldn’t practice law, he couldn’t get a job, he couldn’t get insurance. He’s doing what he needs to do to survive.”

    As for Trump, accepting Cohen back into his orbit, even an outer orbit somewhere past Pluto, allows him to claim vindication.

    “If you go grovel to him and suck up to him, he loves that because it’s validation of his power,” said George Conway, the former conservative lawyer who became one of Trump’s most vocal foes. “He has brought someone to heel. And part of what he does is try to intimidate people into doing that. He has a reptilian ability to sense who he can intimidate.”

    Cohen did not respond to emails seeking comment. Trump posted his social media message Friday about Cohen’s supposedly recanting three hours after a request for comment was sent to the White House, which then passed along the link but otherwise did not respond to questions.

    ‘On the wrong side’ of the Boss

    The relationship between these two men has arguably been one of the most consequential in modern presidential history. Cohen worked for Trump for years as his lawyer and fixer, a self-described “pit bull” who handled business and personal problems, and sought to intimidate people who got in the way. He styled himself as a consigliere so loyal that he famously said he would “do anything to protect Mr. Trump” including “take a bullet.”

    Cohen secretly sought on Trump’s behalf to seal a deal with the Russians to build a Trump tower in Moscow even while his boss was running for president in 2016. He was the middleman who paid $130,000 to porn star Stormy Daniels to buy her silence about her alleged tryst with Trump before the election. (Trump denies the affair.)

    That eventually led to criminal charges, a guilty plea. and prison. When Cohen was released, the Trump administration revoked his home confinement and locked him up again because he planned to publish a book, a move that a judge overruled because it was “retaliatory.”

    Cohen later turned witness for Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg in the case that convicted Trump for falsifying business records to cover up the payments to Daniels. He also testified for New York Attorney General Letitia James in her civil case that found Trump liable for business fraud. His was not the only evidence against the president, and some lawyers argue that there was enough to convict Trump even without Cohen’s testimony.

    But when Cohen broke from Trump, he broke big time. In addition to testifying in court, he also went after the president publicly with both barrels, writing books titled Disloyal and Revenge and characterizing his former employer as “a racist,” “con man,” and “cheat” during a congressional committee hearing.

    Outside the halls of Congress, Cohen went even further, calling Trump “a mob boss,” “the slime of humanity,” a “scumbag,” a “petty tyrant,” a “deranged president,” a “narcissistic sociopath,” a “Cheeto-dusted cartoon villain,” “Dictator D-Bag,” “this Frankenstein’s monster,” and “the poster boy for fascism” who was trying “to screw over the country.” And those were the lines printable in a family newspaper.

    By the time Trump won a second term, though, Cohen’s tone began to change. He had not gotten the pardon he had requested from President Joe Biden, nor had he been welcomed with open arms by much of the anti-Trump resistance. With Trump returning to office, any hope for acceptance, much less clemency, now lay with his former boss, and he has resubmitted his pardon application, replacing the word “Biden” with “Trump.”

    “I think he really wants a pardon,” said Stephanie Grisham, a former White House press secretary for Trump who broke with the president. “I also think he has realized just how hard it is to be on the wrong side of the administration. It’s damn scary out here on the anti-Trump island. And I never got the vibe from him that he wants to work hard at anything, and doing the right thing is never easy.”

    In January 2025, just as Trump was assuming power again, Karem interviewed Cohen for a documentary that will be shown next month at New York’s Chelsea Film Festival and asked if he would go back to Trump if invited.

    “You know what, it’s such a difficult question to answer simply because, one, I know it’s never going to happen,” Cohen said in the film. “Donald refuses to accept any type of responsibility for anything. We’ve all seen that. Do I think I’m owed an explanation? Absolutely.”

    Karem saw that as an implicit yes. “Anybody who spent any time talking with him back then, it was obvious that was open to him,” Karem said. “It was an avenue he was willing to explore because he felt wronged by the justice system. He wasn’t considered the hero he thought he would be. He told me he wanted a pardon.”

    ‘His identity was Donald Trump’

    In the summer of 2025, Cohen had a brief conversation with Trump at his golf club in Bedminster, N.J., joined by the president’s top personal legal adviser, Boris Epshteyn, as the New York Times previously reported. By January 2026, Cohen was writing on Substack that “I felt pressured and coerced to only provide information and testimony that would satisfy the government’s desire” to convict Trump.

    Two months later, he reached out to Lara Trump, the president’s daughter-in-law, who then invited him onto her podcast, where he defended Trump against those questioning his relationship with disgraced financier and sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. Soon, Cohen was given a radio slot on WABC by John Catsimatidis, the station’s owner and a longtime Trump supporter.

    Even so, Cohen for a while kept a foot in both camps. Conway, who ran unsuccessfully for the Democratic nomination for a House seat in New York earlier this year, said Cohen volunteered to help his campaign.

    “At the same time I’m reading these clips about him trying to get back in, he was calling me up saying, ‘I want to help you with your campaign. I want to help you with your campaign. Let’s go be seen together on the Upper East Side. People love me. It’ll help your campaign,’” Conway recalled. “I’m like, what? He’s trying to suck up to Trump, and literally my entire campaign was about sending this guy to jail.”

    Cohen’s turnaround shocked people he had gotten to know on the left. Joanne Carducci, a liberal podcaster who had become friends with Cohen, said she was so upset that she cried, feeling that she had been fooled. “I trusted him, and I believed him when he said, ‘I’m done with that guy. I’ll never recover from what he did to me. I went to prison because of him,’” she recalled. “What is the pathology there that he could be so convincing?”

    After Cohen’s Substack essay, Carducci texted to ask why he was now publicly helping Trump undermine the cases against him. “I have attacked him and the administration 998 out of 1000 times,” Cohen replied in a text that she shared with the Times. “James and Bragg, and the entire system is broken and abusive. That’s the point I was making. I’m not going to be a puppet as I lived the abuse.”

    By all accounts, including his own, Cohen was crushed and embittered by the events of the past several years. His life, as he put it on his radio show, was “shredded to pieces,” and he lost his sense of purpose.

    “I know what it feels like to take hit after soul-crushing hit, to be bloodied and knocked to the dirt while a crowd of millions cheers for your destruction and then, then, to have to pick up the shattered pieces of your life, alone in the dark while the circus packs up and moves on to its next victim,” he said on his show. “I know the sheer suffocating terror of being turned into a public target sitting in silence while your family weeps, wondering if you’re ever going to survive the night.”

    And yet after all that, Cohen turned back to Trump. “People have their sect, their team,” said Greg Ehrlich, a onetime friend who recalls first introducing Cohen to Trump. “It’s your identity. His identity was Trump. Then he got lucky and had a second life, which was against Trump.” But now, Ehrlich said, “he needs his identity, and his identity was Donald Trump.”

    Indeed, when they finally had their bury-the-hatchet talk on the radio last month, Cohen sounded needy, anxious to reminisce about the old times with the Boss, but the Boss wasn’t having any of it. Distant and hardly warm, Trump focused on promoting the fiction that Cohen had recanted his testimony, making clear that their reconciliation was dependent entirely on that. “You took it back,” Trump said falsely. “I wouldn’t even be talking to you right now if you didn’t, to be honest.”

    Cohen did not correct Trump during the show. But in other appearances, he has stood by his accounts. Asked by Dan Abrams on SiriusXM radio if his criticism of prosecutors meant that his past testimony was not truthful, Cohen said: “No, to the exact contrary. As I stated, I felt pressured and coerced. That’s my personal feeling, which I am certainly entitled to have. In no way, shape, or form should it connote that the information that I provided was anything but truthful and accurate.”

    Stating otherwise, of course, could expose Cohen to criminal perjury charges, and it did not go unnoticed that he emphasized that he “felt” pressured, as opposed to saying that he actually was. When Jake Tapper said on CNN that Cohen had claimed that he was “pressured and coerced” into testifying against Trump, Cohen offered a word-parsing correction.

    “The comment that I had written was in regard to Alvin Bragg and Tish James is that I felt pressured and coerced,” Cohen said. “And I think the distinction is extremely important.”

    But that is a distinction without a difference for Trump. In the reality that the president is now selling, Cohen’s pivot is proof that Trump was innocent after all. Even if that is not what Cohen is actually saying.

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • ‘Nannies for millionaires’? This free childcare program had a rocky start.

    ‘Nannies for millionaires’? This free childcare program had a rocky start.

    SANTA FE — A year after New Mexico launched free childcare for all families, Dakota Rivera still can’t find a place to send her kids.

    The mom of two was ecstatic when the state’s Democratic governor, Michelle Lujan Grisham, announced last September that New Mexico would expand its daycare assistance program to any family who wanted it.

    But Rivera lives in a city with an acute shortage of childcare centers. She still spends her days piecing together care with help from family members, canvassing social media, and searching for babysitters.

    She’s on 10 different waiting lists.

    “I think the systems that they put in are great, sure, but it’s just not there yet,” Rivera said, as she tried to answer work emails while holding her 8-month-old daughter, who was cooing and waving a plastic giraffe. “In five years, maybe. For parents trying to do it now, it’s impossible.”

    When Lujan Grisham first announced the program in a state with a majority-female legislature, it was widely praised as a historic step to address an issue that consumes the lives of parents everywhere — and their incomes. Costs for caring for an infant can often exceed a year’s rent, according to the U.S. Department of Labor.

    But the groundbreaking program, in part funded by the state’s sizable oil and gas revenue, has had a rocky debut.

    The number of children who have enrolled has skyrocketed, far outpacing the capacity of daycare centers in the state. Lujan Grisham has had to grapple with legal challenges, including a whistleblower case from the program’s chief financial officer, who says she was fired after flagging an $83 million budget deficit.

    Critics have raised concerns that annual costs could balloon to more than $800 million — nearly $400 million more than when the program debuted. State legislative analysts have also found that newly eligible, higher-income families may be squeezing out some of the lowest-income recipients. The state’s GOP leaders dubbed the program “Nannies for Millionaires.”

    The stakes could not be higher as more Americans say raising children is too expensive and as political leaders look to New Mexico as they try to address overwhelming childcare needs. Vermont and Connecticut already have smaller-scale programs, and New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani (D) is rolling out free daycare for thousands of the city’s 2-year-olds – a move that has also had a bumpy start.

    Sara Mickelson, an early-childhood policy expert and former deputy Cabinet secretary for New Mexico’s Early Childhood Education and Care Department (ECECD), said the state got two big things right when rolling out its plan: the money and the vision. But a subsidy doesn’t help parents if there is no program to take it, she said.

    “Families there are still calling around and finding no openings,” she said.

    Lujan Grisham has acknowledged the challenges, telling MSNBC, “We’re building a rocket ship as we fly it.” The governor said in an interview with the Washington Post that she sees the plan as a “game changer” for her state and a blueprint for the rest of America.

    She said the program would need more than $1 billion from the state’s early-childhood fund over the next five years, $300 million more than the legislature initially allocated.

    “No one said it was an inexpensive enterprise, and likely it shouldn’t be,” she said. “It should be something that invests in child well-being and development, and that’s what we’re doing.”

    A report Tuesday from ECECD touted its successes, citing “dramatic gains” in childcare enrollment, growth in higher-quality care and wages for workers topping $19 an hour, $3 more than the national median.

    “We’ve stabilized and really strengthened the childcare sector in New Mexico in ways that are critical. It’s critical that families have choices, and these choices reflect the kind of care they need,” said Elizabeth Groginsky, the ECECD cabinet secretary. But, she said, “there’s more work to be done.”

    ‘This felt too good to be true’

    The move to universal childcare was the culmination of a decadelong journey for advocates in New Mexico, a poor, majority-minority state of 2 million whose fourth-graders rank last in both reading and math, according to the biennial National Assessment of Educational Progress, the “nation’s report card.”

    In 2020, the state legislature created a trust fund with about $300 million in oil and gas revenue to support early-childhood education and care, a pot that has since ballooned to about $11 billion.

    New Mexico expanded income limits for the childcare assistance program three times. In 2022, more middle-class families became eligible in a change that allowed 80% of families in the state to participate.

    Last September, Lujan Grisham took the final step, announcing that New Mexico would be the first to open its subsidized daycare to any family, a move estimated to save families $13,000 a year per child.

    “That was always the vision,” she said at the time. “It took us this long to realize it, but by golly, we did.”

    The announcement was met with applause and cheers, but behind the scenes, state legislators — who said they had not been informed that the program would become universal — were confounded, along with some members of the department’s own staff.

    “We were all shocked,” said state Sen. George Muñoz, a Democrat and chairperson of the Senate Finance Committee. “Nobody knew about it until the day it was in the paper. All of a sudden we were all calling each other, saying, ‘Where did this come from?’ ‘Did anybody from the governor’s office talk to you about it?’ Nope, we were all in the dark.”

    Word of the expansion moved quickly through the young moms groups of Santa Fe, a picturesque city that is not always easy on parents with its high cost of living and long waiting lists for daycare that can stretch for years.

    Meghan Montelibano Gorman, 33, a mother of two and a marketing consultant who runs an Instagram account called “Santa Fam,” moved with her husband back to Santa Fe in 2022 from Denver to be closer to family.

    She initially tried to work full time doing marketing for the Santa Fe New Mexican newspaper. But managing a full-time job and the health of her older son Charlie, who has breathing and speech issues, quickly took a toll. She recalled acing a presentation one day, but the elation she felt was sliced with guilt because she had to move Charlie’s speech therapy to do it. Even if they had been able to get a spot for daycare, it would have gobbled up most of her $35,000 annual salary.

    “It was untenable,” she said. “Something had to give and it was me. I broke through that process.”

    With the support of her husband, an engineer, she left her job to start her own marketing company. Creating her own flexible hours, she cared for her son and second child, Max, now 2, with help from family members.

    She said her life changed for the better when they were able to enroll both kids in universal daycare this summer before Charlie moved into prekindergarten. She was able to pay off Charlie’s medical bills and triple her income.

    “I was in shock this was happening,” she said of the new state program. “Happy, of course, ecstatic. I had been so in the trenches — with the scheduling, the negotiations, wiggling into shapes I didn’t fit into to make our life fit — this felt too good to be true.”

    Now, she said, “I’ve reclaimed some of my joy because I’m not stressing out all the time.” She later invited program organizers to her Santa Fam parent meetup to help spread the word.

    Capacity challenges

    Enrollment has soared to 47,000 from 32,000 since the launch, but so have the costs.

    In February, the legislature passed a bill formalizing the program. Only afterward did lawmakers learn from the Lujan Grisham administration that it already faced a $60 million budget shortfall, Muñoz said.

    The legislature’s finance committee said in a report last year that the program could soon cost the state almost $849 million annually, a roughly $400 million increase from the fiscal year 2026 payouts. The governor disputed that finding, saying that the legislature’s analysts did not factor in those who would remain in private care.

    Ismael Torres, the committee’s chief economist, warned in a committee hearing last month that such a spike could put the trust fund that helps pay for the program in jeopardy.

    Jacob Candelaria, a former Democratic state senator, is representing two former New Mexico Early Childhood Education and Care Department staffers who said they were penalized after raising red flags about the finances. He also represented a trio of Republicans who challenged the program in court and lost.

    He said Lujan Grisham, who is term-limited and will leave office this year, has embraced universal childcare as her legacy issue and a “stepping stone” to the national stage in 2028. She was eyed as a potential running mate for both former president Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, and this year successfully pushed to have New Mexico become the fourth state to vote in the 2028 presidential primary — a prime slot.

    “Whatever the governor has planned for the next steps of her career, this universal childcare narrative is a central piece of it,” Candelaria said. “My clients have had the unfortunate luck of getting in the way.”

    The governor said she expects the whistleblower lawsuits to fail like the GOP suit did. She also expects the issue of childcare to be a topic during the presidential debates in 2028, she said.

    “You’re going to have this as a signature issue about where the country goes,” the governor said. “We need a universal approach supporting families who need care.”

    Asked whether she expected to be on the presidential stage herself, she said, “I hope I’m in the ears of people on the stages, because I know we need this.”

    The state has worked to address the capacity issues by offering low-interest loans to providers and attempting to speed up approvals. New Mexico was short an estimated 15,000 daycare slots when the program was launched and added 6,700 since then, an ECECD spokesperson said.

    Anne Liley, the director of the First Presbyterian Child Development Center in Santa Fe, said the majority of families at the center now use the universal system instead of paying privately. Most are families with two working parents whose incomes are just above the previous limit of $106,600.

    “It’s been huge for them,” she said. “When both people are working, trying to get by, and you have two children, half your income is going to childcare.”

    More than 400 children are on her center’s waiting list, so she’s looking for a new space that would allow her to add about 85 infants and toddlers, a critical need. She’s still trying to find the right building, which is difficult in Santa Fe with its many historical structures, she said.

    Critics have said allowing families who made more than $106,600 (for a family of three) last year to use the universal system has squeezed out low-income families who desperately need care. Sometimes, they are seasonal workers who leave and then return, only to find a wealthier family has taken their slot, analysts said.

    The program serves 3,700 families who make above that amount, according to the ECECD report this month.

    “If you’re making that kind of money, you really don’t need this,” said state Rep. Mark Duncan, a Republican. “Are we keeping kids who really need it out because they didn’t get there first? That’s my concern.”

    Lujan Grisham said they did away with income requirements because the state is “building for an equitable system.”

    “You don’t make it for poor people, you don’t make it for middle class and you don’t make it for billionaires, you make it for everybody,” she said. “We’re really leaning into the developmental well-being aspect and family stability.”

    When James Krantz, a tech executive, and his wife Caitlin, who owns a marketing company, had their son a little over a year ago, they too found lengthy daycare waiting lists in Santa Fe. He said the state is now paying for their babysitter after the couple made the argument that “universal childcare” should include private in-home care.

    “Doesn’t universal apply to everybody?” he asked. Having the full-time sitter has been “magical” for the couple, who can work with somebody “to closely align with how we want to raise our child.”

    Muñoz said that going forward the department needs to focus its efforts on “at-risk kids, low-income kids, and special-needs children … to really deliver on the transformational investment the state is making.”

    When Rivera, 29, a legal assistant, gave birth to her son three years ago, she looked at the cost of daycare and was “stunned” by the price tag — more than $20,000 a year. She and her husband, a technician, cobbled together a complicated schedule: She does her work from home, and other family members are enlisted to help. She makes an online calendar to keep everyone on task.

    “I’m constantly overwhelmed by the process,” she said. “My kids are seventh-generation New Mexicans. To feel like we’re not welcome anywhere when the family has been here so long is so frustrating.”

    She and her husband have completely “lost hope” on finding help for this school year and are looking to 2027 for relief. Maybe she can find a preschool for her son and a daycare for her daughter then.