Category: Wires

  • This principal in Nepal evacuated 900 students before flooding swept away their school

    This principal in Nepal evacuated 900 students before flooding swept away their school

    BIDUR, Nepal — Rajendra Dawadi was inside his classroom when a colleague rushed in with a warning: Floodwaters were racing through Nepal’s Trishuli Valley, tearing apart homes, bridges, and entire villages.

    Then a teacher received another warning by phone. Moments later, a parent arrived to take her child home. The danger had not yet been confirmed, but Dawadi, the principal, had little time to act. He rang the school bell and ordered his students and staff out of the building and toward higher ground.

    “I immediately decided to stop … school” and get the children out, he told the Associated Press.

    As he followed them to a nearby hill, the floodwaters rose behind him. From the safety of the hillside, he turned to watch the school where he had once been a student — and where he had spent years teaching — disappear beneath a torrent of water, mud, boulders, and debris. Two staff members could not make it and remain missing.

    Dawadi’s decision to evacuate the school saved at least 900 students from last week’s devastating flash floods in Nepal, unleashed after a glacial collapse in the Himalayas. The disaster has killed over 900 people across Nepal and China, while more than 4,700 remain missing.

    As Nepal grapples with the catastrophic natural disaster, Dawadi’s story has emerged as a striking example of foresight and courage.

    The Tribhuvan Trishuli Secondary School had 1,643 students. At least 900 were on campus that morning, while some students were still making their way to school. Dawadi ordered those already there to leave and called bus drivers to tell them not to come.

    One bus, packed with students, had already reached the school when Dawadi told the driver to turn back, he said. The bus crossed a newly constructed bridge and, moments later, the old bridge beside it collapsed.

    For Dawadi, the scale of the destruction has become personal, as the school had been both his workplace and a large part of his life.

    “I have no words. I got education from that school. And I gave education at that school,” he said.

    The destruction of Dawadi’s school was not an isolated loss.

    Across northern Nepal, the floods have left thousands of children without classrooms, disrupted their education, and raised fears that the disaster could cost them months of schooling. Charity group Save the Children said in a statement that at least 69 schools in northern Nepal have been completely destroyed, putting the education of nearly 19,000 students at risk.

    Dawadi’s quick thinking and swift response during the disaster have been hailed as an act of heroism. When he returned to the site of the school days later, parents embraced him as they thanked him for saving their children.

    “Their parents hugged me, they cried with me,” he said. “They were emotional.”

    Student Suvina Tamang, 14, said the building was swept away shortly after the students had been evacuated. “I will thank him when I see him” for saving my life, she said.

    But Dawadi is reluctant to accept the role of hero. For him, rescuing his students was his responsibility. Now he says, students will need psychological counseling. Then, lessons must begin again, even if the school must temporarily relocate.

    His appeal to the Nepalese government is simple: rebuild the schools and get children back to classes.

  • Democrats want the midterms to be about Trump. He does, too.

    Democrats want the midterms to be about Trump. He does, too.

    For vulnerable politicians, the safest place to be in a difficult midterm year is usually far from an unpopular president.

    Donald Trump has other plans.

    Next week, as primaries give way to a perilous general election campaign for vulnerable Republicans, Trump will headline two nights of a GOP political convention in Dallas. Over the next two months, his super PAC plans to run advertisements that feature his name and play up his political record. And although he will not appear on any ballot in the midterms, he has told voters they should behave as if he is. Even the party’s program for prized congressional recruits, previously known as “Young Guns,” has been renamed the “MAGA Majority.”

    It is a risky strategy two months before Election Day. Vulnerable Republicans cannot afford to antagonize Trump because they need his help to turn out his base and tap into the $400 million war chest he controls. And he is not extending the leeway past presidents have for candidates to run their own races, even if that means keeping their distance.

    Trump has told aides he wants ads paid for by his super PAC, MAGA Inc., to tout his second-term record, according to two people familiar with the conversations. Advisers already prepared some ads for the Texas Senate race and showed them to Trump, who provided detailed feedback, said the people, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss internal strategy.

    Some donors, skeptical of the strategy, have become resistant to giving more money to Trump’s super PAC while it sits on hundreds of millions of dollars without sharing any plans about how it will use the money, said a Republican strategist involved in Senate races, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss unfinished plans.

    The Trump-centric approach marks a reversal from 2022, when the super PAC ran ads in competitive Senate races that did not mention Trump — a sign that his own advisers accepted his liabilities. A MAGA Inc. spokesperson declined to comment, saying the PAC doesn’t reveal its plans through the media.

    As his poll numbers have fallen to record lows, Trump has repeatedly insisted that his record deserves to win in November. He has argued that voters are overlooking his economic achievements and defended the Iran war and its economic costs as the price of preventing Tehran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

    At a Las Vegas rally in early August, Trump touted rising manufacturing investment, record stock market gains, and falling prices, despite a more complicated economic picture with rising inflation. “We had the greatest economy in the history of our country in my first term,” he said. “But this is blowing it away.”

    “Trump doesn’t want people distancing themselves from him. He sees it as a personal insult,” said Tevi Troy, a presidential historian and former White House domestic policy adviser under President George W. Bush. “His greatest power is his ability to destroy a Republican who goes against him.”

    Trump’s posture differs from that of his recent predecessors — and even from his own first-term approach. But Troy said Trump’s political calculation is rooted in a simpler reality: In an era of heavily gerrymandered districts, many races are increasingly decided by which side can turn out its own voters.

    “What we’ve seen over the course of the past decade is, when Trump is on the ballot, you get better turnout if you’re a Republican,” Troy said.

    Trump has not been able to deliver every candidate he supports to victory. His picks recently lost gubernatorial primaries in Iowa, Georgia, Wyoming, and Minnesota, as well as House races in Tennessee and Michigan. He snapped that losing streak Tuesday when Darline Graham, his choice to succeed her late brother, Sen. Lindsey Graham, won South Carolina’s GOP Senate runoff, and Mike Mazzei narrowly won a runoff to be the Republican nominee for Oklahoma governor.

    General-election polling underscores the risk for vulnerable Republicans. Trump’s approval ratings remain historically low, and national polls show Republican House candidates running six points ahead of him among registered voters: 44% support the GOP for Congress, while 38% approve of Trump. Republican Senate candidates are also outperforming the president by about two points on average, though some of that gap reflects large numbers of undecided voters in several races.

    That gives Republicans in the most competitive districts an incentive to calibrate their proximity to Trump — embracing him where he remains an asset while trying to keep their contests from becoming referendum on his presidency.

    “The president’s going to look right in the camera and say, ‘I am on the ballot,’” House Speaker Mike Johnson (R., La.) said of the Dallas convention on Thursday at an event with vulnerable Rep. Monica De La Cruz of Texas. “Because even though his name isn’t, right, his administration, his legacy, the America-first agenda is.”

    The Dallas convention forces Republicans to decide between angering swing voters by appearing with Trump or angering Trump by staying away. None of the Republicans in competitive Senate races responded to questions from the Washington Post on whether they will attend.

    “It’s going to be a Trumpapalooza you’re not going to want to miss!” RNC Chairperson Joe Gruters said in a social media video.

    Aides to one Republican who has announced his plans to skip Dallas, Rep. Tom Barrett of Michigan, rejected the suggestion that he is distancing himself from Trump. They noted that Barrett has appeared with the president several times, including at a General Motors proving ground in Milford last month.

    “Attending a convention two months before an election in a top target seat was never a consideration,” Barrett spokesperson Jason Roe said. “It has nothing to do with the optics and everything to do with where the voters are.”

    Roe said voters already understand the basic political alignment between Barrett and Trump. “I think it’s pretty baked in with voters that Republican members of Congress support the Republican president, and vice versa,” he said, adding that Barrett is “running on his record of accomplishment for the 7th District.”

    Natalie Baldassarre, a spokesperson for the Republican National Committee, said Republicans cannot escape being associated with Trump’s policies and that Democrats will make the link regardless.

    “The Democrats are going to brand our candidates with the president no matter what, so it’s not beneficial for Republicans to run against his agenda and bleed from both sides of the political spectrum,” she said. “The president has cut taxes, lowered drug costs, secured our border — Republicans should be touting that in battleground races across the country.”

    Rep. Jamie Raskin (D., Md.) has argued that Democrats should make Trump’s record inseparable from the Republicans running alongside him, portraying GOP candidates as enablers of what he calls the administration’s “illegal war” and “disastrous economic policies.” In a recent fundraising appeal, Raskin said Democrats could build a “Blue Wave” by tying Trump and “MAGA Republicans” together and making the election a judgment on their shared record.

    So far Republicans have tiptoed around putting space between themselves and Trump. The campaign website for Ralph Alvarado, running with Trump’s endorsement for a Kentucky congressional seat in a district Trump won by 15 points, removed references to Trump from its website, replacing “America First Fighter” with “Independent Leadership.”

    The political calculus varies by race, said Republican strategist Alex Conant. Some House Republicans, particularly those representing suburban swing districts, may be better able to court independent voters with distance from the president. But many of the Senate contests likely to determine control of the chamber are unfolding in Republican-leaning states, where Trump remains a potentially powerful turnout engine.

    “So distancing yourself from Trump isn’t going to help you win a Republican state like Texas or Ohio,” Conant said.

    Trump also may have little use for Republicans who seek to separate themselves from his actions. He has long prized loyalty, and said he expects his administration to face extreme pressure from Democrats if they retake either chamber.

    “I think he views a disloyal Republican as just as useless as a Democrat,” Conant said. “And if he’s looking at what the next two years hold, it’s probably going to be impeachment fights and a lot of other big fights. He’s probably not looking to have anybody there who’s not loyal.”

    In a polarized, heavily gerrymandered country, Trump is betting that turning out voters already inclined toward Republicans matters more than persuading those in the middle — and that he can summon voters who might otherwise stay home when his name is absent from the ballot, Troy said.

    That distinguishes him from recent presidents who, when their popularity sagged, generally gave endangered members of their own party room to run away from them.

    In 2006, Bush largely confined his late campaigning to places where Republicans believed he could still help, while vulnerable GOP candidates advertised their independence from him and avoided appearances with him. Eight years later, Barack Obama watched endangered Democrats criticize his policies, skip his visits, and keep him out of some of the states where they faced the toughest races.

    President Joe Biden made that accommodation almost a running joke. During the 2022 midterms, as some vulnerable Democrats kept their distance from an unpopular White House, Biden frequently told candidates: “I’ll come campaign for you or against you — whichever will help the most.”

  • Lionel Messi announces his retirement from international soccer. This summer served as his final World Cup

    Lionel Messi announces his retirement from international soccer. This summer served as his final World Cup

    Argentina superstar Lionel Messi announced his retirement from international soccer on Monday, ending 21 years of national-team duty capped by winning the World Cup in 2022.

    “It was a decision that hurt — and still hurts deeply — but I understand that the time has come,” Messi, 39, said via his Instagram account.

    Messi, who will continue to play at club level with Inter Miami in Major League Soccer, played in a record-tying six World Cups. He won it four years ago in a tournament he dominated in Qatar and also led Argentina to the title match in 2014 and again this year, when the Albiceleste lost to Spain in extra time inside MetLife Stadium.

    Argentina’s Lionel Messi (center) reacts after the World Cup final against Spain on July 19. Stephanie Scarbrough

    Messi stands shoulder to shoulder with Diego Maradona, a compatriot with whom he was so often compared, and Brazil icon Pelé as the greatest players of all time.

    For many, he’s the best.

    “I swear to you that I always gave it my all — not just in these last few years when we won everything, but before that too,” Messi wrote. ”I always fought and left everything on the field for this jersey, to bring you joy and make you feel proud to be Argentine through football.”

    Messi played 207 games for Argentina and finished as its all-time leading scorer with 125 goals, 21 of them in World Cups. Only one player has more goals in men’s internationals — his long-time rival Cristiano Ronaldo, who has 146 and has yet to announce his retirement from Portugal duty.

    Messi became the all-time leading World Cup scorer for a month in the recent tournament in the U.S., Mexico and Canada, but finished one goal behind France’s Kylian Mbappé.

    Decision to leave (again)

    In a long social-media post, Messi explained he wrote his retirement letter on July 21 — two days after the World Cup final in which he struggled to make an impact — but waited to publish it because his father was facing health issues that eventually claimed his life.

    Jorge Messi died on Aug. 8 in his native Rosario.

    The news marks the second time Messi made the decision to retire.

    A decade ago, he retired from the national team following Argentina’s defeat in the 2016 Copa America final to Chile on penalty kicks — one of which he missed.

    A public campaign led by Maradona and the president changed his mind, and Messi shook off the notion of not being able to win the big matches, returning to the Argentina team and continuing to star for Barcelona, then Paris Saint-Germain, then MLS’s Inter Miami.

    At 39, Lionel Messi will continue to lead Major League Soccer’s Inter Miami franchise, who look to defend their MLS title. Steven M. Falk / For The Inquirer

    In just his fourth season in MLS, he’s a two-time MVP and was the star in Miami’s run to an MLS Cup win last season.

    “He is pure history,” Argentina coach Lionel Scaloni said during the recent World Cup. “History. A legend.”

    In the letter, Messi did not say how long he intends to continue playing. The recent World Cup showed he’s still one of the best players in the world, as did a four-goal display for Inter Miami at the weekend in a 7-1 victory over CF Montreal.

    “I leave with the peace of mind and pride of having given you — along with my teammates — moments we once only dreamed of. Experiencing this with you was incredible. I love you all,” he added.

  • More mail ballots are arriving late this cycle, and they’re getting tossed

    More mail ballots are arriving late this cycle, and they’re getting tossed

    The rate at which mail votes have been rejected for arriving late has ticked up in primaries this year and general elections last year in roughly a dozen states, prompting election officials to worry that the U.S. Postal Service is ill-equipped to deliver ballots in the fall midterms.

    The states studied by the New York Times include some of the most critical battleground House and Senate seats where control of Congress will be determined, as well as key races for governor and secretary of state. The Times obtained data from California, Colorado, Maine, Maryland, Michigan, Nebraska, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Utah, Virginia, Wisconsin, and Washington.

    In Wisconsin, which hosts an open race for governor, a competitive House election plus contests for both chambers of the state legislature, lateness accounted for about 5,000 rejected mail ballots in the spring primary this year, or 78% of all tossed ballots. During the last spring election, in 2023, the figure was roughly 2,300, or 47% of all tossed votes.

    The increase is particularly striking when comparing primaries in 2024 and this year. In Michigan’s primary earlier this month, more than 10,000 mail ballots were rejected for arriving after the state’s deadline of 8 p.m. on Election Day. That is nearly double the number of ballots rejected in 2024. In Washington, the number of late-arriving mail ballots increased from about 16,000 to more than 20,000 in the same period.

    The rise in rejected ballots comes at a time of immense upheaval at the Postal Service, where a budget crisis has prompted widespread complaints about delivery delays. The increase also comes as President Donald Trump and his allies are trying to transform the 251-year-old agency into a central player in their quest to restrict mail voting and otherwise overhaul the nation’s elections.

    Roughly two dozen states sued the government over the president’s executive order governing mail voting, which would require states to hand over voter information and would empower the Postal Service to block mail ballots from being sent or delivered in states that do not comply. The moves have especially alarmed Democrats, who fear the president could use the Postal Service to tip the scales of a midterm election that polls show currently favors their party. Trump has stated publicly that curtailing mail voting is good for Republicans.

    A federal judge issued a ruling Thursday blocking the Postal Service from proceeding after concluding that the agency’s plan appeared to overstep its legal mandate and could spark chaos by changing rules fewer than 70 days before an election. The administration is appealing.

    Meanwhile, the uptick in rejection rates for mail ballots this year could fuel the partisan battle. The ballots that were tossed because they arrived too late represent a fraction of the overall mail ballot total — the Postal Service typically delivers more than 95% of mail ballots on time. But the agency has curtailed its services in the face of budget shortfalls in recent years, leading to slower mail delivery across the country.

    Election officials say the rise in rejections, along with the general sentiment out of Washington, have prompted them to scramble to put safeguards in place to ensure that voters’ ballots are counted.

    In Colorado, Jena Griswold, the Democratic secretary of state, has rapidly increased the number of drop boxes across the state — by 78% since 2018 — so voters can return their ballots without concerns of postal delays or interference.

    “We did change the law last legislative session,” Griswold said in an interview. “Mail ballots are going out sooner, and drop boxes are going out sooner. That is in direct response to the uncertainty coming from D.C. and Trump’s attacks on our democracy.”

    In a statement, the Postal Service countered claims that the agency has become unreliable by noting that more than 95% of mail ballots have arrived on time in recent elections.

    “There are any number of factors that may impact the timeliness of a returned ballot,” the statement said. “As such, our consistent message to voters who choose to vote by mail is to mail early.”

    Following the 2020 election, when a deluge of voters opted to vote by mail during the coronavirus pandemic, the agency developed new procedures to prioritize on-time delivery for mail ballots. After a court case in 2021, the Postal Service agreed to maintain the new measures for all even-year federal elections through 2028.

    William Hensley, a former election mail specialist at the Postal Service who helped establish the new procedures, said the fact that mail ballot delays were more prevalent in odd-year and primary elections suggested that the measures were effective. But he conceded that structural changes within the agency slowing service across the board were also affecting ballots.

    As part of a 10-year plan established in 2021 to shore up the Postal Service’s finances through structural changes, the agency set up regional distribution centers to process mail and increased the delivery-time standards for first-class mail, from three days to five.

    The Postal Service further slowed down mail in 2024 when it implemented a centralized system that postmarks mail when it reaches regional centers, not when it first enters the mail stream. The delay has particularly affected mail voting, especially in states that rely on postmarks to determine if a ballot is valid.

    These cost-cutting changes have so far not made a substantial dent in the agency’s multibillion dollar deficit, but they have slowed the delivery of mail votes. Election officials are starting to notice.

    In Wisconsin’s state Supreme Court election in April, several hundred ballots arrived a day late in Dane County, home to Madison, the state capital, according to Scott McDonell, the county clerk.

    “That was highly unusual,” he said. “In the past, we would only see a handful.”

    In a survey by the Wisconsin Elections Commission, two-thirds of clerks reported observing problems with mail delivery times in that election.

    “The worst mail delivery day of the week is Tuesday (unfortunately for elections!) and our office jokingly but sadly refers to it as ‘no mail Tuesday,’” read one submission from a clerk in Waukesha County.

    McDonell, who is a Democrat, says he now tells voters to use drop boxes, vote early in person, or mail their ballots at least two weeks before Election Day.

    In Washington, a universal mail-voting state, more voters are using drop boxes than trusting the Postal Service with their ballots, said Stuart Holmes, the state’s elections director.

    “The Postal Service, these are great people, hardworking people,” Holmes said about the state’s local postal employees. “But their operation has become unreliable.”

    In Washington’s primary earlier this year, 75% of rejected mail ballots were tossed because they arrived too late.

    Ricky Hatch, a Republican election official in Utah, a state that relies almost exclusively on mail voting, said he had noticed a nationwide increase of election officials encouraging voters to mail their ballots early because of Postal Service slowdowns.

    “We’ve definitely morphed over time from going from ‘Hey, get your ballot in before the deadline’ to ‘Mail your ballot at least a week early, if you want to have it counted,’” Hatch said.

    Now, he added, the advice is even more cautious: “Better yet, use a drop box.”

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • Trump’s deals in Africa could cut U.S. health aid by more than half, analysis shows

    Trump’s deals in Africa could cut U.S. health aid by more than half, analysis shows

    The Trump administration is working to cut global health funding to developing nations by tens of billions of dollars by 2030, according to a new analysis of the secretive agreements U.S. officials have pursued with more than a dozen governments to date.

    The planned cuts — targeting programs that combat the spread of HIV/AIDS, Ebola, and tuberculosis, among other deadly diseases — appear to reduce U.S. spending on global health initiatives to less than half of Washington’s output in 2024, the analysis found.

    The research was conducted by two nonprofits, Public Citizen and Partners in Health, organizations that have taken a deeply skeptical view of President Donald Trump’s “America First” approach to global health policy.

    Their analysis offers the most detailed reading yet of the bilateral health agreements drawn up by the State Department with 34 countries after the Trump administration, upon taking office last year, paused all U.S. foreign assistance and dismantled the U.S. Agency for International Development.

    Public scrutiny of the agreements has been limited, as the administration, citing a desire to protect what it says are “sensitive” negotiations, has refused to disclose the text outlining their terms. The State Department said earlier this year that it would release them only after all were signed, though it has not disclosed a timeline for that to happen.

    The analysis by Public Citizen and Partners in Health relies on documents that the nonprofits recently obtained from the U.S. government after suing the Trump administration and other previously disclosed material detailing what is contained in many — though not all — of the agreements.

    It questions, among other things, how the Trump administration’s plan to reduce global health spending in developing countries over the next several years accounts for billions of dollars in related funds already appropriated by U.S. lawmakers. Since Trump’s return to office, the Republican-led Congress has voted to keep the amount of U.S. global health funding relatively constant despite the administration’s push for greater self-sufficiency among recipient countries.

    There’s a “big, yawning gap” between how much money lawmakers have apportioned and how much the United States intends to spend via the deals it is reaching with developing countries, said Vincent Lin of Partners in Health, noting that the administration, according to its own accounting, is far behind on spending money related to HIV/AIDS prevention.

    The State Department said in response to questions about the analysis that it does intend to spend the money apportioned by Congress and that more global health money could go to religious aid organizations and what has been dubbed an “innovation fund” to support the use of new U.S. technology in fighting disease. The department did not address the slow pace of HIV/AIDS funding, which Congress approved separately under the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), a long-running global health effort.

    A State Department spokesperson, Tommy Pigott, said in a statement that the Trump administration is defining the “next phase of U.S. global health foreign assistance in a way that prioritizes greater efficiency, transparency, country self-reliance, and American innovation.”

    In most cases, the agreements specify that countries receiving diminished U.S. health funding must at the same time increase their own spending.

    The State Department said that the deals reached so far amounted to $14.5 billion in new U.S. assistance, alongside more than $10.1 billion in “co-investment” from recipient countries.

    The analysis by Public Citizen and Partners in Health shows that across 17 countries whose full agreements were reviewed, and an 18th where just the top-line figures have been revealed, the Trump administration is seeking to reduce global health funding by 59% from 2024 levels by 2030.

    For decades, global health funding has enjoyed bipartisan support in the U.S., with lawmakers arguing that it is both morally correct and in the self-interest of wealthier nations to combat disease globally.

    The Trump administration has sought to reshape this consensus, emphasizing “trade over aid” and criticizing global aid structures, but it has encountered resistance from Congress, which rejected a budget that sought to cut global health spending by $6.2 billion. (Lawmakers later approved a $615 million reduction compared with the previous year.)

    The funding reductions pursued by the Trump administration are most pronounced in poorer African nations that have relied on tens of millions of dollars annually in U.S. foreign assistance to support their fight against HIV, the analysis by Public Citizen and Partners in Health shows.

    Burundi, for example, among the poorest countries in Africa, will see its U.S. health funding fall to 22% of baseline levels, according to the nonprofits’ analysis. Rwanda sees the sharpest drop among the documents examined, with U.S. funding falling to just 3% of what it received before Trump reentered office, the analysis shows.

    While recipient countries are expected to ramp up their own health spending to fill the gap, Public Citizen and Partners in Health have raised doubts about how feasible some of those targets are. They note, too, that the agreements include language detailing penalties for noncompliance, including further cutting U.S. funding.

    “Sierra Leone is supposed to make up a 71% U.S. funding drop in less than five years,” said Peter Maybarduk of Public Citizen, referring to another poorer nation being asked to step up its health funding. “It’s going to be very difficult, and if a country like that falls behind, and then is punished for that, then of course the health problems compound.”

    The State Department said in response to questions that the differing rates were based on a model that evaluated a range of factors, including the wealth of a country and its vulnerability to diseases, and analyses that looked at “the level of instability and conflict in a country.”

    Beyond its planned cuts to bilateral health funding, the Trump administration is behind on spending money appropriated by Congress under PEPFAR, according to tracking by Lin and other analysts. It’s an enormous concern to advocates for disease prevention in developing countries.

    PEPFAR funding must be spent within five years, Lin noted, meaning the administration has not breached the law by underspending it. Still, it could lead to a situation in which programs break down before the funds can be spent, he said.

    “Right now, it looks like a dramatic underspend by billions of dollars … leading to preventable suffering and death,” said Maybarduk. “If that’s not the case, the burden is on the State Department to tell us how.”

  • Do DEI bike paths exist? The Trump administration says yes

    Do DEI bike paths exist? The Trump administration says yes

    Four years ago, after Joe Biden fell from a bike, Donald Trump made a pledge to the American people.

    “I will never, ever ride a bicycle,” he declared.

    The joke landed because Trump is known to be more of a limo-and-golf-cart sort of guy. But more recently, his administration has begun acting on its deep aversion to cycling, revoking federal grants for what it calls “DEI bike lanes.”

    In a high-profile move this year, the administration even tried to remove a bike lane near the White House.

    Sean Duffy, Trump’s transportation secretary, has argued that when bike lanes cut into space for cars and trucks, the result is more congestion, “longer travel times and wasted fuel.”

    But Duffy and his colleagues have also deployed rhetoric that suggests the bicycle is hopelessly lefty, belonging in the same category as green-haired baristas, Rosie O’Donnell, and yard signs professing that love is love.

    Last month, the Transportation Department told National Public Radio that liberals believe “that everyone should ride a bike to their shoebox-sized apartment to eat crickets to achieve a phony climate agenda.”

    The attacks are depressing to longtime cycling advocates like Bill Nesper, executive director of the League of American Bicyclists. “There is something there that they’re playing on, which is ‘Look at that dork on a bike,’” Nesper said.

    Whether this strategy pays off politically remains to be seen. A 2025 YouGov poll showed that 76% of Americans supported bike lanes in and around places where they live, including 66% of Republicans. But it also showed that only one-third of Americans are pining for more.

    As it is, many communities in the U.S., regardless of politics, have embraced bike-friendly policies, on the grounds that bikes are good for the planet and for the body, and address congestion by taking cars off the road. Often inspired by bike-friendly European cities such as Copenhagen and Amsterdam, the moves are a major shift in the way communities in the U.S. approach transportation planning.

    There are 4,400 directional miles of protected bike lanes today, up from 108 directional miles in 2000, according to PeopleForBikes, an industry trade association and advocacy group. (Directional miles are miles that can be traveled in one direction; with a two-way bike lane 1 mile long counting as two directional miles.)

    The group notes that more than 25,000 miles of rail beds have been converted to bike-friendly trails, double what it was two decades ago.

    But the Trump administration is trying to put the brakes on the trend.

    In Nashville, Tenn., the future of an ambitious series of bike lanes, called the East Nashville Spokes project, is up in the air after the Trump administration froze a $9.3 million grant, prompting a court battle that remains unresolved.

    In Washington this year, the administration announced it was tearing out the 15th Street bike lane as “part of the president’s initiative to revitalize” the city. But in a 61-page ruling in April, Judge Amy Berman Jackson temporarily blocked the demolition plan citing an “absence of reasoned decision-making” in justifying the removal.

    In Fairfield, Ala., a majority Black city of 9,500 people southwest of Birmingham, the administration canceled an $11.7 million grant for a bike and walking path, originally awarded under the Biden administration as part of a “sustainability and equity” program. Advocates had said that 17% of the families in the area do not have access to a car.

    In an interview, the city’s mayor, Herman Carnes Jr., said he did not know why the grant had been canceled. “It got ripped away from us,” he said.

    Bike lanes have long enjoyed bipartisan support. In 1967, Ronald Reagan, then the Republican governor of California, signed a law that for the first time allowed city governments to create bicycle lanes.

    Ray LaHood, a Republican who served as transportation secretary under President Barack Obama, avidly supported federal money for bike projects. He once wrote of “the end of favoring motorized transportation at the expense of nonmotorized.”

    But as the bike-lane revolution picked up steam — along with calls to make cities more walkable — some conservatives feared that it amounted to a series of intrusive social engineering schemes.

    In a few conservative circles, city planning even became falsely linked to dark conspiracies about Agenda 21, a nonbinding United Nations resolution encouraging sustainable development, and the voguish concept of the “15-minute city,” which said that people should be able to walk or bike to amenities such as grocery stores in 15 minutes or so.

    It was not long before the bicycle itself was portrayed as a political cause supported by left-wing dingbats.

    In 2020, Matt Walsh, the right-wing pundit, painted cyclists as childish hobbyists.

    “If you want to play with your bike, go to a park, or a bike trail in the woods, or maybe Daddy can take you down to the tennis court near the playground so you can ride your Big Wheel,” he said.

    Last year, Trump poked fun at Pete Buttigieg, the Biden-era transportation secretary, for riding a bike, tossing in a gratuitous reminder that Buttigieg is gay.

    “Buttigieg, who has no clue, you know, he drives to work on his bicycle, in all fairness, with his husband on the back, which is a nice, loving relationship,” he said.

    At a conference last year, Duffy suggested that the idea of European bike-friendly cities were unsuitable for Americans. “We’re not Europe,” he said, citing vehicle sizes. “I don’t think we should necessarily buy into the European model.”

    This summer, Duffy pushed for more change. On July 22, Duffy wrote a letter to a group of senators, urging them to restrict future funding for bike lanes and support removing ones “that contribute to congestion.”

    To Nester, the letter represented something “much worse” than canceling or stalling individual grants. Duffy, he said, was now calling for ripping out existing lanes and advocating for “a systematic change in transportation law to restrict the funding of bike lanes overall.”

    Hostility to bike lanes, in fact, can be found in surprising places.

    In Boston, Mayor Michelle Wu, a progressive Democrat, had put in miles of lanes, but eventually slowed down because of complaints.

    Her administration is navigating opposition in some traditionally Black neighborhoods to a plan to redesign Blue Hill Avenue, a major thoroughfare. Much of the criticism has been directed at a proposal for a center-running bus lane, which some say will create new traffic problems.

    But a plan to add bike lanes has also rankled such critics as Reggie Stewart, a real estate agent and climate and environmental justice chairperson of the Boston NAACP.

    “You’re taking away parking and adding to an already congested corridor,” he said.

    Stewart and others are now asking the Trump administration to rescind an $80 million grant to fund the project.

    “Ironically, in my climate and environmental justice work, we’re opposing a lot of what Trump is for,” Stewart said.

    But in this case, he said, the president might be an ally.

    “Mayor Wu,” Stewart said, “falls into that category of liberals who think they know best without having real conversations with the people affected.”

    Marcela Dwork, a spokesperson for the city of Boston, said officials would continue “to work with community members” on the design proposal, with a number of meetings scheduled for September.

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • Trump says he will report NBC host to FCC for ‘rebuke or punishment’

    Trump says he will report NBC host to FCC for ‘rebuke or punishment’

    President Donald Trump, angered by a comment that NBC anchor Kristen Welker made about his endorsements in the midterm elections, said Sunday he would report her to the Federal Communications Commission for a “rebuke or punishment” in his latest call for the agency to take action against broadcasters.

    Welker, ahead of the airing of her show Meet the Press, told NBC D.C. affiliate WRC-TV that Trump is “going to loom large” over the November midterm elections. She noted that he endorsed several candidates in the primaries and said he had “some mixed results.”

    Trump took issue with Welker’s characterization, insisting in a Truth Social post that his record of endorsements is, “without question, the strongest Endorsement in the History of Politics.”

    “Because of this purposeful inaccuracy, she will be reported to the FCC for rebuke or punishment,” Trump said in a post on Truth Social, saying he hoped its chairperson, Brendan Carr, “will take this Threat to our Country very seriously.” In a later post, Trump also complained about polls used by media organizations, without giving details, saying, “FCC TO THE RESCUE!”

    Trump’s calls for FCC action are the latest move by his administration to seek investigations and sanctions against journalists and media companies. The FCC did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    In a statement, NBC News said, “Kristen is one of the best in the business and we stand by her.”

    Welker is a Philadelphia native and a former reporter and anchor for NBC10.

    In the Sunday comments, Welker pointed out that Trump’s most recent pick of Sen. Darline Graham in South Carolina’s GOP Senate primary was successful.

    Other major candidates in competitive primaries who won with a Trump endorsement include Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, who defeated Sen. John Cornyn in the state’s GOP Senate primary runoff, and Julia Letlow, who defeated Sen. Bill Cassidy in the Louisiana GOP primary for the Senate seat.

    Some candidates Trump endorsed lost their primaries. Among them were GOP gubernatorial candidates Burt Jones in Georgia and Randy Feenstra in Iowa, and Rep. Cory Mills (R., Fla.), who was seeking reelection. As of Sunday, four Trump-endorsed House candidates and six Trump-endorsed statewide candidates have lost their GOP primary races.

    Historically, U.S. presidents have usually preferred to stay out of the fray in House and Senate primary races to preserve party unity. But Trump has taken pride in the power of his endorsement, especially in a year when his name is not on the ballot. On the campaign trail, he’s told voters: “What I really want you to do is pretend, please, that I’m on the ballot.”

    Carr, who since becoming FCC chairperson in Trump’s second term has relished the role of media enforcer, has previously warned that he would deny or revoke government-issued licenses if broadcasters run what the agency deems “fake news.”

    Under the Communications Act of 1934, the FCC has the power to issue broadcast licenses, and it has the authority to monitor that licensed stations serve the “public convenience, interest, or necessity.” It can enforce this by enacting broadcast programming restrictions, but it must adhere to First Amendment limitations.

    While the FCC has the limited ability to revoke stations’ broadcast licenses, it has not done so in over 40 years, and its powers do not include revoking licenses because of a disagreement over a viewpoint expressed on the station. Experts have said that revoking a license or censuring a news station because the president disagrees with its content would amount to a violation of the First Amendment.

    In March, Carr threatened to remove broadcast licenses over news coverage of the U.S.-Israeli war in Iran — a move Trump endorsed.

    Last month, the president demanded that ABC and NBC lose their government-issued broadcast licenses because they did not interrupt regularly scheduled programming to air one of his speeches.

    The FCC also mounted a separate battle against ABC over the summer after the president criticized the network’s late-night comedy host Jimmy Kimmel.

    As the FCC conducted an early review of its eight local broadcast licenses, ABC sued the agency, alleging that the commission’s review is unconstitutional under the First Amendment.

  • U.S. military has no plans to send troops to the polls in November, top general says

    U.S. military has no plans to send troops to the polls in November, top general says

    WASHINGTON — The highest-ranking officer in the U.S. military says there are no plans to send troops to polling places during November’s midterm congressional elections, addressing concerns among Democrats that the Trump administration could use the military to interfere with the vote.

    Gen. Dan Caine, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, made the statement in a letter to Michigan Democratic Sen. Elissa Slotkin, who recently asked Caine and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth to confirm they won’t send troops to the polls.

    “The Joint Force has no plans to send Federal military personnel or Federalized members of the National Guard to polling places during the 2026 elections,” Caine said in the letter to Slotkin, which was obtained Monday by the Associated Press. “Likewise, the Joint Force has no plans to use such personnel to seize ballots, voting machines, or other election-related material.”

    Caine, who advises Hegseth and President Donald Trump on military matters, also wrote: “I have neither received nor anticipate receiving any unlawful order concerning the role of the Joint Force in the upcoming November 2026 midterm elections.”

    Anxiety among Democrats that the Trump administration could try to meddle in the midterm elections has grown, particularly after the president deployed federal agents in Democratic-led states over the objections of local leaders.

    Slotkin told the AP in August that Trump has been laying the groundwork to claim the elections were stolen. She noted that Trump contemplated using the military to seize voting machines after his loss in 2020 and has deployed the National Guard to cities against the wishes of Democratic leaders. He also deployed active duty Marines to Los Angeles during his immigration crackdown in 2025.

    Federal law prohibits the deployment of armed federal forces to election locations unless “necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States.” If any element of the military were to get involved, it would likely be the National Guard under state control.

    White House chief of staff Susie Wiles denied in a Vanity Fair interview last year that Trump would use the military to suppress voting in the midterms.

    Sonja Thrasher, Slotkin’s press secretary, said Hegseth has not replied to the letter asking him to confirm troops won’t be deployed to the polls in November. Slotkin had asked for a response by last Thursday.

    The Pentagon did not immediately respond to an email from the AP asking for the status of Hegseth’s response to Slotkin. The Pentagon previously said it would respond directly to the senator.

    Slotkin asked Hegseth during an April congressional hearing if he would follow orders to seize ballots. Hegseth called the question a “gotcha hypothetical,” but said, “I’ve never been ordered to do anything illegal, and I won’t.”

    In 2020, Gen. Mark Milley, then-chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, responded to a similar letter from Slotkin, then a congresswoman.

    “I believe deeply in the principle of an apolitical U.S. military,” Milley wrote. “In the event of a dispute over some aspect of the elections, by law U.S. courts and the U.S. Congress are required to resolve any disputes, not the U.S. military.”

  • G20 finance officials gather in U.S. as Iran war grips global economy

    G20 finance officials gather in U.S. as Iran war grips global economy

    Top economic policymakers from many of the world’s wealthiest nations began two days of meetings Monday in Asheville, N.C., at an incredibly challenging moment. Global inflation is high, growth is choked by war in the Middle East, and rising borrowing costs are straining government budgets.

    But on the eve of the summit of finance ministers and central bankers from the Group of 20 nations, those questions were clouded by a series of controversies around participation, including whether the Trump administration would let Russia attend while refusing to allow South Africa’s delegation to join.

    Representatives from South Africa, a longtime member of the G20 and Africa’s largest economy, were not invited by the Treasury Department to Asheville. President Donald Trump announced last year, after skipping a G20 summit hosted by South Africa, that he would exclude the country from this year’s meetings, citing a false narrative that white South Africans were being indiscriminately killed and their land was being seized.

    Administration officials also invited a group of American business executives from industries including banking and cryptocurrency to meet with the government leaders, in an effort to create networking opportunities between government officials with the private sector. They rebuffed requests to also include executives from other G20 countries. The moves have unsettled some attendees at the gathering.

    The summit comes at a pivotal moment, with the International Monetary Fund projecting that global growth will slow this year and inflation will rise. The decision by the United States to attack Iran in February disrupted the flow of oil and pushed energy prices higher, darkening the outlook for a world economy that has been battered by wars and a pandemic in recent years.

    Huddled in a North Carolina mountain resort, officials are expected to discuss ways to reinforce global supply chains for commodities such as critical minerals, opportunities to increase international investment, and strategies for reducing or restructuring debt. The conversations are taking place as the U.S. gross national debt just topped $40 trillion, creating anxiety among bondholders and raising fears about higher borrowing costs.

    “Mounting fiscal pressures, as evidenced by rising bond yields, and a stalled disinflation process — they are sources of worries both for markets and for policymakers,” Kristalina Georgieva, managing director of the IMF, told reporters before the meetings.

    Those concerns have been especially evident in the United States. In recent weeks, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent initiated surprising interventions in global currency markets and in the U.S. bond market in an effort to contain rising borrowing costs. Those measures have so far been only modestly effective, and they have drawn pushback from the European Union, which has seen its own currency suffer as a result of some of Bessent’s machinations.

    Global leaders also remain wary of the ongoing U.S.-Israeli war with Iran, which has driven up energy costs worldwide, disrupted supply chains and dragged on growth.

    “Everyone must contribute to reducing the massive global uncertainties” affecting growth, Lars Klingbeil, the German vice chancellor and finance minister, told reporters before flying to the summit. “That is why we are pushing for an end to the war with Iran and open shipping lanes through the Strait of Hormuz.”

    Unifying the G20 has been a challenge for the administration, as countries continue to cope with uncertainty surrounding Trump’s trade policies and the steep tariffs that he has imposed on imports, along with fallout from the war.

    U.S. officials have asked allies to join their Operation Economic Outcast initiative, which aims to strangle the Iranian economy and resolve the conflict through economic sanctions. Bessent last week warned that countries that do not sever economic ties with Iran would also face U.S. sanctions.

    A senior Treasury official said in a briefing before the Asheville meetings that the Iran plans would feature prominently in the discussions. Bessent signaled last week that the United States would have limited patience for countries that maintain economic ties with Iran but that he hoped other countries would comply with the Trump administration’s demands to cut off Iran in order to avoid a broader global economic war.

    “Why would I want to blow up the global financial system?” Bessent said.

    In another controversy, the Treasury has denied press credentials for attending the meetings to certain U.S.-based reporters for the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal, along with correspondents for Bloomberg News from several countries.

    Germany’s Finance Ministry intervened with the Treasury after it initially denied credentials to German-based reporters from the Times and Bloomberg, who planned to travel with Klingbeil to Asheville.

    The ministry succeeded in securing a credential for the Times reporter, the newspaper’s Berlin bureau chief, but not the Bloomberg reporter.

    A diplomatic official, speaking on condition of anonymity under a customary practice in the official’s home country, said German officials viewed the denial of credentials for Bloomberg, an international news agency, as unprecedented and unacceptable.

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • Farmers say they face a new crisis as Trump’s tariffs, Iran war raise costs

    Farmers say they face a new crisis as Trump’s tariffs, Iran war raise costs

    For nearly 16 years, Wendy Johnson has tried to build an Iowa farm that could survive the kinds of economic shocks that drove farmers out of business when she was growing up in the 1980s.

    She diversified her operations, growing corn, small grains, and soybeans while also raising sheep, cattle, pigs, and chickens. She opted to sell directly to consumers and transitioned a portion of her 1,200 acres to organic production. She avoided debt and even planted trees to protect her soil and livestock.

    But the latest crisis has defied her careful planning: President Donald Trump’s tariffs and his war with Iran have driven up the cost of fertilizer, fuel, and machinery just as weak crop prices have made it harder to cover those rising expenses.

    “I am afraid that we’re looking into the barrel of another farm crisis,” said Johnson, a fourth-generation farmer, who estimates her profits are down by as much as 50%. “And we all know historically what that did to our … rural communities.”

    Johnson is among American farmers who say they are desperate for relief from Washington as Trump administration policies raise costs and slash profits. Recently, Trump slapped 50% tariffs on Canada, a critical source of fertilizer and farm equipment. And he wrote in a Truth Social post that he would pause tariffs on some imported ground beef in an effort to lower grocery prices, infuriating U.S. cattle ranchers who say the move would undermine domestic herders.

    Meanwhile, the federal farm bill — the traditional source of agricultural subsidies, crop insurance, and other support for farmers — is hopelessly out of date, and a divided Congress is far from agreement on how to replace it. To tide over rural America, Republican leaders are trying to pass $12 billion in emergency aid. But their plan would pair that money with billions of dollars for the war with Iran, the very conflict that has helped drive up fuel costs and added to the squeeze on farmers in the first place.

    That combination gets mixed reviews in farm country. While some industry groups, such as the American Farm Bureau Federation, have backed it, others have argued that it is counterproductive to tie the money to funding for the Iran war.

    “While we support providing immediate relief to farmers … we are troubled by funding that perpetuates a costly military conflict that risks further disrupting global markets, increasing input costs, and contributing to the economic pressures already weighing on farm operations,” the National Farmers Union wrote in a July letter to House Speaker Mike Johnson (R., Louisiana) and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D., New York).

    Aaron Lehman, president of the Iowa Farmers Union, echoed that sentiment.

    “I’m glad lawmakers are trying to find a way to help farmers,” Lehman said. “But this approach is not the right one.”

    When the House returns to Washington on Monday, passing a farm aid package remains near the top of the legislative to-do list. Iowa is particularly critical heading into the Nov. 3 midterm elections, with three competitive House seats and a competitive Senate race. In a state that has not had a Democratic governor in nearly two decades, even that race in Iowa is competitive, according to the Cook Political Report.

    Nationally, roughly a dozen competitive House seats have a significant concentration of agricultural areas, as well as multiple competitive Senate races. Republican leaders, trying to hang on to narrow majorities in both chambers, are especially eager to demonstrate their ability to deliver for a key constituency.

    “Right now, if you’re growing something in the ground, you’re losing money. And it’s not just a crop, it’s virtually every crop, and it’s virtually every region of the country,” said Senate Agriculture Committee Chair John Boozman (R., Arkansas).

    While farmers say getting the emergency aid is crucial, many called it a “Band-Aid” at best. Agriculture industry groups said the funding must be accompanied by long-term policy that addresses the structural problems threatening their livelihood.

    Russell Boening, a Texas farmer who runs his family’s operation with his brother, is facing a similar squeeze to Wendy Johnson in Iowa. The farm grows corn, grain sorghum, and wheat, as well as raising cattle. But crop revenue has fallen below the cost of their production as fertilizer and other inputs have become more expensive. Boening estimates the farm’s bottom line has taken as much as a 40% hit in some areas.

    The emergency aid is “needed,” he said, adding that farmers in South Texas are already seeking operating loans for 2027 so they can begin planting in January. But Boening urged Congress to get to work on longer-term policies because “farmers don’t want to come there every six months for a bridge payment for farmer assistance.”

    Ben LaCross, president of the Michigan Farm Bureau, also supports the emergency assistance, noting that farmers have been struggling with rising costs and weak commodity prices for more than a decade. He praised the Trump administration’s efforts to expand market opportunities for agricultural commodities, and said farmers need a new farm bill that further expands markets and helps reduce the cost of fertilizer and other inputs.

    The current farm bill — a multiyear law that sets national policy for agriculture and nutrition — is nearly eight years old. With the law originally designed to be renewed every five years, Congress has temporarily extended the legislation three times as lawmakers have failed to reach an agreement on updated policies. The latest extension will expire at the end of September.

    But Congress is nowhere near an agreement on a new policy framework. Republicans want to increase funding for commodity farmers to help offset rising production costs, while reducing federal funding for food stamps. Democrats, who oppose altering the food aid benefits, blocked Republicans from advancing the bill out of the Senate Agriculture Committee in early August. The committee will continue work when senators return from recess in mid-September.

    Boozman and Sen. John Hoeven (R., North Dakota) played key roles in advocating for emergency farm aid. The money was included in a party-line package Republicans are rushing to pass before the midterms. Along with funding for farmers, that package includes two other GOP priorities: Iran war funding and stricter rules for voting.

    GOP lawmakers aim to use the complex reconciliation process to pass the package through both chambers with a simple majority, forgoing the need for Democratic support. But for that plan to work, it would require near-unanimous support from Republicans — which it does not have.

    GOP senators had hoped to vote on a framework for the package before they left town for the August recess, but those plans were scrapped amid lingering concerns from multiple lawmakers within the conference.

    Between those concerns and a tight legislative calendar, the path to passing help for farmers before Nov. 3 is looking increasingly difficult.