Category: Wires

  • U.N. nuclear watchdog board reports Iran to the U.N. Security Council for the first time in 20 years

    U.N. nuclear watchdog board reports Iran to the U.N. Security Council for the first time in 20 years

    VIENNA — The U.N. atomic watchdog’s board on Wednesday reported Iran to the U.N. Security Council for the first time in 20 years, citing it for failure to cooperate in a long-running investigation into uranium traces detected by inspectors at undeclared sites.

    Western officials suspect that the traces could provide evidence that Iran had a secret nuclear weapons program until 2003. Iran says that it’s not pursuing nuclear weapons, and that its program is entirely peaceful.

    Reporting Iran to the Security Council opens the country to possible sanctions and asset freezes, though such punitive measures are unlikely because Iran’s allies Russia and China hold veto power on the panel.

    Twenty-three countries on the International Atomic Energy Agency’s 35-member board of governors voted for Wednesday’s resolution at IAEA headquarters in Vienna.

    China, Russia, and Niger opposed it, while eight countries abstained and one didn’t vote as it was in arrears, according to diplomats who spoke on condition of anonymity to describe the outcome of the closed-door vote.

    The resolution was put forward by the United States, Britain, France, and Germany.

    The diplomatic move has been under consideration since June 2025, when the IAEA board found Iran officially in noncompliance with its nonproliferation obligations because of Tehran’s lack of cooperation in the investigation.

    Iran’s ambassador to the U.N. in Vienna, Reza Najafi, rejected the resolution, describing it as a “political tool” and saying that it ruined confidence in the IAEA’s “independence, impartiality, and credibility.”

    He suggested that compliance with any obligation to allow U.N. inspections of nuclear sites inside Iran was, in any case, impossible at the moment because of the country’s continuing war with the U.S. and Israel.

    The U.S. this week destroyed five Iranian oil tankers and Tehran hit back at American targets in Jordan, the latest burst of back-and-forth strikes that have lurched the sides back toward open hostilities in a more than 6-month-old war.

    The draft resolution, which was seen by The Associated Press, requested IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi to report the agency’s concerns “to the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the IAEA Statute.”

    The resolution also reiterated its call upon Iran “to urgently remedy its non-compliance” with previous agreements and to take steps deemed necessary by the IAEA to assure “the non-diversion of nuclear material.”

    Since Israel and the U.S. struck Iran’s nuclear sites during the 12-day war in June 2025, Iran hasn’t given IAEA inspectors access to nuclear sites that were affected by the strikes. The IAEA also has been unable to verify the status of Iran’s stockpile of near weapons-grade uranium since the June bombing.

    Najafi said that airstrikes by the U.S. and Israel made safe access for inspectors to Iran’s nuclear sites “materially impossible.” He said that Iran has “neither stopped nor suspended its safeguards obligations,” adding that “performance is currently impossible under continuing military operations and persistent threats.”

    Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi echoed that sentiment in an post on X.

    “They attack Iran’s safeguarded nuclear facilities, disrupt the normal verification process, and then use that very disruption as a pretext to pass a resolution at the IAEA Board of Governors,” he said.

    According to the IAEA, Iran maintains a stockpile of 972 pounds of uranium enriched up to 60% purity — a short, technical step away from weapons-grade levels of 90%.

    That stockpile could allow Iran to build as many as 10 nuclear bombs, should it decide to weaponize its program, IAEA chief Grossi warned in an interview last year with the AP. He said that it doesn’t mean that Iran has such a weapon.

  • The psychological toll of Cuba’s multiple crises is pushing many islanders to the breaking point

    The psychological toll of Cuba’s multiple crises is pushing many islanders to the breaking point

    HAVANA — Sweltering nights. Water and power shortages. Dwindling fuel and crumbling homes. Limited public transportation and weak cell phone signals.

    The psychological toll of daily life in Cuba is pushing many to their breaking point on this island of nearly 10 million people, with no relief in sight as a U.S. energy embargo persists and longtime economic and financial troubles deepen.

    “Before there was hope,” Yomeidis Felicó Riverón said. “Right now, what people have lost is exactly that.”

    Felicó Riverón is a primary care physician, but she has embraced an additional role as Cubans grind through their days.

    “They come and cry about their troubles, because they have no one else to vent to,” she said of her patients. “We end up having to play psychologist.”

    Children attend a workshop to make gift bags and perfume in Havana last month.Ramon Espinosa

    Parents shield children from Cuba’s realities

    On a recent sunny afternoon, six girls and one boy crowded around a table as their parents sat in the background, trying to fan away the stifling heat.

    The children were learning how to make gift bags and perfume, a free workshop that offered them a brief respite from Cuba’s realities.

    “My son doesn’t know if there’s food or if there’s no food,” Felicó Riverón said, confiding that she never tells him when she doesn’t have money to buy something he wants.

    Instead, she distracts him: “Let’s go play, let’s go to the park. We’ll come back another day.”

    Dianne Tamayo was among the mothers present that day. The workshop served as an oasis for her and her daughter. Tamayo socialized and temporarily forgot what awaited at home.

    “My husband is my rock,” she said. “When I’m going crazy, my husband tells me, ‘Sit down, breathe … let’s put on some music.’”

    He sometimes has to remind Tamayo that their daughter is coming home from school soon, and that they need to keep their troubles, anxieties, and frustrations to themselves.

    “I do the best I can with the tools I have, but there’s still a moment where I get overwhelmed,” she said.

    Tears fell as she confided that she doesn’t have anything in her life that relaxes her, and that she has never questioned how to release her feelings about life in Cuba.

    “They are exterminating us,” she said, “and we remain complacent.”

    U.S. Embassy issues health alerts

    Cuba’s crises worsened after President Donald Trump announced in late January that he would impose tariffs on any country that sells or provides oil to the Caribbean country. Longtime U.S. sanctions also have taken their toll, Cuba’s government said.

    From March 2025 to the end of February, “the U.S. policy of economic strangulation” amounted to more than $8 billion, “a record figure,” according to Cuban Foreign Affairs Minister Bruno Rodríguez.

    Island-wide blackouts have increased this year, and daily outages now surpass 24 hours. As a result, water is often scarce, and small protests have erupted, despite the fear of being detained, as anger and frustration boil over.

    The situation has worsened to a point that the U.S. Embassy recently issued two public health alerts.

    On Aug. 28, the embassy noted that “Cuba’s water supply infrastructure is increasingly unstable ” and that there are “residential neighborhoods experiencing long periods without water from municipal or public sources.”

    On Friday, the embassy warned of an increase in gastrointestinal illnesses linked to the “degradation of the water and energy infrastructure. …. Recent cases have included E. coli, norovirus, Shigella, and other gastrointestinal pathogens.”

    Water and power shortages persist, but 81-year-old Havana resident Oscar Joaquín López said that he doesn’t dwell on what he lacks.

    “Why?” López said. “Because it drives you crazy, and nobody is going to drive me crazy.”

    On a recent afternoon, he leaned against the doorframe of his home as he watched his 58-year-old roommate fill up nearly a dozen plastic containers with water that flowed from a pipe on the street. They had been without water for several days, so they acted quickly.

    With temperatures hovering above 90 degrees, López said that he sits in his doorframe until midnight to catch a breeze from the nearby ocean, a steel pipe nearby to ward off any intruders. After midnight, he goes to bed, hoping the wooden slat he wedged into his window will catch any wind, however slight.

    Nearby, 62-year-old mason José Laó Faviel dug through overflowing garbage on the street, looking for food to feed his pig and her 10 piglets, because he had none to give them.

    “What are you going to do?” he said. “We’re living through difficult times.”

    Minutes later, another man rifled through the same pile of garbage. After opening several bags, he found something to eat.

    Cubans find solace in family

    Sweat gathered around Armando Lafita’s brow as the 60-year-old pushed a cart through the crumbling buildings in Old Havana. Authorities have evacuated some residents in the area for safety reasons, but those with nowhere else to live now sleep on the street, ducking inside their building when they need something.

    Lafita’s cart was filled with red roses and white ginger lilies, Cuba’s national flower. He sells them for 10 to 40 cents a bunch, but sometimes he goes home without a single sale.

    “Everybody is fighting to survive here,” he said. “It’s getting harder every day.”

    Like many Cubans, Lafita said the only thing that keeps him going is family: his 19-year-old son.

    José Manuel Borroto Díaz, 70, and his 93-year-old mother, Teresita del Rosario González Ricardo, lean on each other to keep going.Ramon Espinosa

    It’s the same reason that 70-year-old José Manuel Borroto Díaz and his 93-year-old mother, Teresita del Rosario González Ricardo, keep going: They have each other.

    “Our situation is like something out of a movie, but we’re going to press on,” said Borroto, a retired aviation official who was in Angola during Cuba’s military intervention in the 1970s.

    Across the island, Cubans are pressing on even as the crises deepen, including 90-year-old Lázaro Alfonso Oviedo. He recently attended a weekly gathering to help raise the spirits of elderly people.

    Oviedo danced and sang in a deep, robust voice “to forget for a little while the suffering the empire puts us through,” he said, referring to the United States.

    “We are not going to give up,” he said as he praised Cubans’ unwavering resilience. “We get it precisely from the spirit forged by the revolution itself — a revolution spanning more than 60 years.”

  • The largely hidden force helping drive America’s craze for weight-loss drugs

    The largely hidden force helping drive America’s craze for weight-loss drugs

    Carlos Campos spends most of his days as a family physician, seeing patients for all manner of conditions, especially obesity and diabetes. But he has built a steady side gig beyond his practice in south-central Texas.

    Over the past seven years, drug manufacturers have paid Campos nearly $1 million to spread the gospel of weight-loss and diabetes drugs known as GLP-1s to colleagues in his home state and beyond.

    “I’m a lot like an evangelical preacher man,” Campos said. “They hire me to sell the science.”

    Whether speaking in a private dining room at a fancy steakhouse or over bags of Chick-fil-A in a primary care office, Campos is part of a vast effort by drug companies to build sales of their revolutionary weight-loss drugs by targeting the prescribers who act as the gatekeepers to the American healthcare system, according to an analysis of public federal government data by The Washington Post and interviews with six physicians involved in the marketing program.

    The analysis shows that Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk, the largest manufacturers of the weight-loss drugs, have made at least one payment to more than a quarter of a million individual doctors and other prescribers including nurse practitioners since 2018, the first full year that Ozempic, Novo Nordisk’s blockbuster medicine, was on the market. No other class of prescription drugs was promoted as heavily over this period.

    In total, companies spent more than $270 million on these promotional efforts, according to the data, which is reported to the federal government by the manufacturers. The spending — which the federal government says encompasses both direct payments and in-kind payments for food and beverages — was spread among 140,000 individual prescribers in 2025 alone, the most of any year in the Post analysis.

    The GLP-1 craze stoked by TV advertising and word-of-mouth for the novel class of drugs — including Wegovy and Zepbound — has generated abundant patient demand. But the lesser-known spending on doctors, which is legal and disclosed publicly, represents promotional efforts — largely hidden from consumers — of the drugs’ success that some medical experts say pose a conflict of interest.

    Physicians paid by the drug companies say they are helping colleagues overcome hesitancy and even skepticism among practitioners who may not be familiar with how the drugs work or still view obesity as a matter of patient willpower. In interviews, they said payments don’t influence their views of the drugs, opinions they said have been shaped by phenomenal results in their own patients. They described how in meetings with other doctors, they observe government limits on what claims can be made while sharing unbiased, evidence-based data about benefits and side effects.

    But some doctors warn that these sessions, and the money that physicians receive as direct payments on the side, carry a number of risks — both to patients and to the health system at large.

    The costly drugs, which most users have to take for life to maintain their results, are relatively new, with underappreciated side effects in some patients, the critics say.

    “The patient comes in saying, ‘I want it,’ and if they don’t give it to them, they will find another doctor who will,” said Robert Lustig, a doctor and professor emeritus at the University of California at San Francisco who advocates for reducing sugar and processed foods in the American diet.

    “The problem is getting worse,” he said, “and now people have taken their eye off the ball: ‘Oh, I can just take a drug, a shot, and eat whatever the hell I want.’ It’s just a Band-Aid.”

    Spending to purchase the drugs by consumers and health insurance companies has exploded. Total sales (excluding rebates and discounts) in 2025 eclipsed all other drugs, with Eli Lilly’s Mounjaro and Zepbound leading the way at $63 billion, and Novo Nordisk’s Ozempic and Wegovy close behind at $59 billion.

    Private health plans are cracking under the burden, and some are beginning to cancel coverage. Federal costs are poised to shoot into the billions now that Medicare, as of July, is covering the drugs for weight loss.

    Nearly 1 in 5 U.S. adults has reported having taken one of the drugs for diabetes or weight loss, according to a survey by KFF, the independent healthcare policy organization.

    The drug companies defended their promotional practices as appropriate and important for health.

    “This responsible interaction and collaboration between industry and the medical community benefits patients by advancing care and science,” Novo Nordisk spokeswoman Liz Skrbkova said. “In all our engagements with the medical community, we follow the highest ethical standards as well as all legal and regulatory requirements.”

    Eli Lilly said its programs are grounded in science.

    “These interactions, from medical education to clinical consultation, help ensure healthcare professionals have accurate, current information to make informed treatment decisions,” the company said. “All such engagement is conducted under Lilly’s rigorous compliance standards and disclosed transparently.”

    Lectures over steak dinners

    The drugs, initially rolled out years ago for diabetes, are seeing their fastest prescription growth outside of diabetes clinics. Providers at internal medicine and cardiology practices are writing prescriptions at the highest rate, according to IQVIA, a pharmaceutical data and consulting firm, which called GLP-1s the “Swiss Army knife” of healthcare.

    In addition to diabetes and weight loss, the drugs are now also approved for reducing cardiovascular risk and sleep apnea, and many other indications are being researched.

    The Post tracked how Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk are using the traditional pharmaceutical marketing playbook to boost sales behind the scenes. They are making payments to doctors who serve on the boards of the prominent diabetes and obesity medical societies; those boards shape how medicine is practiced. They are dispatching hundreds of doctors — whom they pay tens of thousands of dollars a year each — to help discuss the drugs at medical conferences and in private meetings with doctors in every corner of the country.

    A “key opinion leader,” as industry insiders calls these paid ambassadors, Campos said he visits with doctors and physician assistants in their offices over takeout or at local restaurants, often traveling to other states. He is typically accompanied by a sales representative, whose job is to market the drug while Campos explains how it works, he said. His payments placed him among the most handsomely compensated physician GLP-1 promoters in the country, according to the Post review.

    A review of invitations to doctors to attend promotional dinners shows the broad geographical reach of these efforts. Physician promoters such as Campos extolled the benefits of the drugs over plates of pasta in Lancaster; in the “unmatched grandeur” of a Pittsburgh waterfront steak-and-seafood house; and over Mexican-inspired fare at a brewpub in Missoula, Mont. The gatherings often occurred in the private dining rooms of upscale chains such as Ruth’s Chris and Capital Grille.

    The Post review drew from mandatory federal reports by drug companies, data that is posted online for public examination by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. In addition to doctors, the data includes spending on nurse practitioners and physician assistants, who also prescribe drugs.

    The Food and Drug Administration’s instructions for use of the drugs say they are supposed to be taken in tandem with a reduced-calorie diet and increased physical activity. Marketing materials for Eli Lilly’s Zepbound aimed at doctors and obtained by The Post show those elements are mentioned as part of the prescribing regimen, but they are not emphasized as key pillars of treatment, even though a joint advisory from major medical groups in 2025 said doctors should make those elements a priority.

    The marketing materials display side effects, including nausea and constipation, which cause large numbers of patients to stop taking them. But what is not discussed is a major subject of concern in the medical community: the metabolic dangers of “weight-cycling,” when the fat returns if patients stop taking the drugs (a common occurrence) and the risk of cardiovascular events increases. Eli Lilly said that its promotional materials carefully adhere to the FDA-approved label and that it views obesity as a chronic disease that may need continuous treatment, otherwise the weight can return.

    The drugs also are being prescribed to people with eating disorders, as well as the elderly, who are at risk of falls and fractures if they lose too much bone and muscle mass — a serious concern with the rapid weight loss driven by GLP-1s.

    The drugs carry “black box” warnings from the Food and Drug Administration that they can cause cancer in rats and state that they could cause thyroid cancer in humans. Those warnings are prominently displayed in marketing materials.

    Campos said he believes in the revolutionary nature of the drugs, which are remarkably effective at reducing weight and simultaneously bringing down blood pressure, lowering cholesterol, and reducing inflammation. From his home practice in New Braunfels, Texas, near San Antonio, Campos travels to states such as Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee to meet with groups of doctors, he said.

    Many of his colleagues did not learn how to treat obesity in medical school, Campos said. When he asks for a show of hands, he said, about a third of doctors in a room indicate they do not believe obesity is a disease, even though the American Medical Association recognized it as one in 2013.

    “You need to know this,” he said he tells other doctors, “to develop a tremendous empathy for this patient that needs your help. Now we have tools in our toolbox that we can use to help them.”

    Expounding on a clinical trial finding that semaglutide, the key ingredient in Novo Nordisk’s Wegovy and Ozempic, can reduce heart attacks, Campos said, “cardiologists should be writing [prescriptions for] this with both hands.”

    Drug companies have marketed medicines directly to doctors for decades. It is even recognized by the Food and Drug Administration as an important source of information for prescribers. FDA rules require that promotional claims stay within the boundaries of scientific evidence contained in a drug’s label. But the dangers of the practice emerged during the opioid crisis that began in the 1990s, when Purdue Pharma, the manufacturer of OxyContin, and other companies were found to have heavily marketed addictive opioids while minimizing risks.

    Doctors say the trips to the Caribbean and free booze of the past are no longer common, but free steak dinners and in-office lunches continue to be a staple of the trade. Nowadays, if doctors at the dinners want an alcoholic beverage, they have to purchase their own, participants said.

    “When a drug company is financing it, they present it in the best possible light,” said Bruce Rowe, a Wisconsin physician who recalled attending an event about Wegovy led by a colleague at Mr. B’s steakhouse outside Milwaukee. “Any time you go to one of these presentations, you have to have a little bit of skepticism.”

    He said the clinical trial data in the event’s slide deck was encouraging, but what really won him over were results in patients, who lost weight and had better glucose control. About 25% of his patients are now taking one of the drugs, he said. “It’s a really important tool in our tool kit right now.”

    Medication for life

    Paying physicians has raised questions of conflict of interest. Decades of research has shown that financial relationships between physicians and pharmaceutical companies are associated with higher prescribing rates of the sponsoring company’s drugs. Even relatively modest financial relationships can potentially create unconscious bias, making industry payments to influential doctors a persistent ethical issue in medicine, according to researchers who have examined the question.

    In interviews about GLP-1s, some physicians paid by Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk said a part of their effort has been helping other physicians overcome hesitancy. Many providers are wary of prescribing a costly new drug that a patient probably will need to take for many years, if not for life, to keep their weight under control.

    Doctors also ask how and when they can wean patients off the drugs.

    “The first question is always, ‘When do you stop the medication?’” said Ethan Lazarus, an obesity medicine doctor who practices outside of Denver and has been paid about $585,000 to promote the drugs.

    He said he tries to reset their expectations: “We should go into this with our eyes wide-open, that these are long-term treatments.”

    He added, “If they want to have a successful practice, they need to understand how to use these drugs.”

    Responding to critics of paid arrangements for key opinion leaders, Lazarus cited American Medical Association ethical guidance that he said “permits legitimate consulting and educational programs, provided the physician offers genuine, objective scientific services.”

    Interviewed by phone recently from his car, Long Island obesity medicine doctor Michael Kaplan said he was on his way to meet with four doctors over lunch to promote Foundayo, Eli Lilly’s oral GLP-1. He said he would meet an Eli Lilly sales representative for a pregame huddle 10 minutes before the meeting.

    Kaplan disputes that drugs such as Wegovy and Foundayo are overprescribed. On the contrary, he said just 11% of people with a body mass index (BMI) over 40 are being treated with a GLP-1.

    “The market is gigantic,” he said.

    Obesity doctors say their field has long been neglected by the medical establishment. Now, Kaplan said, promotional efforts by Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk are helping educate physicians on how to treat obesity. Weight-loss clinics once operated on the fringes of healthcare, but that began to change after the American Medical Association recognized obesity as a disease in 2013.

    “The medical establishment hasn’t stepped up. The pharmaceutical industry has been the only ones trying to make sure the providers have knowledge,” said Kaplan, who was paid about $648,000 between 2018 and 2025 by GLP-1 manufacturers.

    Critics of these practices say the paid physician ambassadors may not be giving a full, objective picture of the drugs and their side effects.

    “They are generally chosen for their charisma and their willingness to say what the drug company wants them to say,” said Steven Brown, a family physician in Phoenix who has urged doctors to refuse drug company largess, including meals and free samples, which he said distort physician decision-making.

    “The drugs sell themselves,” he said of the GLP-1s. “The reason for all this marketing is the competition between the companies to sell more of theirs compared to the others.”

    Doctors interviewed by The Post acknowledged competition between Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk may be boosting the number of meetings, but said competition also is driving innovation and bringing down prices, which is improving clinical outcomes. They disputed the contention they are parroting corporate talking points.

    “‘Pay-to-play’ prescribing or accepting compensation just to say what a company wants is unequivocally unethical,” Lazarus said, again citing AMA guidelines.

    Many of the 50 doctors who have received the most money from the drug companies are also among the country’s most influential voices on obesity and diabetes.

    They include leaders of the nation’s most prominent medical societies in endocrinology and obesity, who write or help shape clinical guidance. Physicians who lecture in continuing medical education programs, and a few who have helped shape the conversation around GLP-1 drugs though their public platforms on YouTube and podcasts, also are part of the marketing push.

    Medical practice remains deeply local and hierarchical. Physicians look to respected colleagues to help interpret new evidence, establish standards of care, and signal which treatments are worth adopting — whether a patient’s best option is a new drug, an older generic medication, a lifestyle intervention, or watchful waiting.

    John E. Anderson, a former president of medicine and science for the American Diabetes Association who held substantial leadership roles in the organization for more than two decades, received nearly $1 million from 2018 through 2025, the fifth-highest-paid doctor, according to The Post’s analysis.

    He was the lead author of an ADA journal article in 2022 about optimizing the use of GLP-1 drugs in Type 2 diabetes and moderated an ADA educational series about the drug class that same year.

    The 2022 GLP-1 article states that Anderson served “as an adviser, consultant, and/or speaker” for Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk, among several other drug or device companies. The educational materials were funded by a grant from Novo Nordisk, which was disclosed. The ADA said in a statement that Anderson did not serve as a subject matter expert or peer reviewer for the organization’s guidelines on care for diabetes or obesity for 2017 to 2026.

    Anderson, an internist and diabetes specialist at the Frist Clinic in Nashville, a medical group affiliated with TriStar Centennial Medical Center, declined to comment. TriStar did not respond to questions and declined a request to interview Anderson, but said in a statement that many of its physicians “may share their knowledge through educational, advisory, or consulting work with pharmaceutical and medical device companies” in compliance with federal laws and regulations, as well as the company’s processes.

    The Obesity Medicine Association’s past president and chief science officer, its president-elect, and three trustees all received payments ranging from $14,000 to $95,000 during the time period studied, with some receiving multiple payments over that time.

    The OMA declined to comment on specific individuals but said in a statement that it requires all those involved in continuing education to disclose their financial ties and that they are reviewed by a separate committee.

    “Industry funding never gives a company control over topics, faculty, content, or evaluation. We believe this process is effective, and we continue to strengthen it as the standards and the evidence evolve,” the group said.

    Aaron Kesselheim, a professor of medicine at Harvard University who studies relationships between doctors and drug companies, said influencing a relatively small network of highly respected clinicians can have ripple effects throughout the medical community, making these relationships a powerful part of the industry’s marketing strategy.

    “While there’s nothing wrong with professionals talking among each other, and sharing business practices and approaches to prescription drugs, this system can be fudged to market drugs,” Kesselheim said. “There’s the question of how much of their recommendations are driven by review of science and how much by industry’s marketing.”

    Many medical societies have adopted conflict-of-interest policies intended to insulate clinical recommendations from financial influence. But Meredith Rosenthal, a professor of health economics and policy at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, said research suggests those policies are unevenly enforced.

    “So when you see a recommendation, you want to believe they are based on best evidence and not financial conflict, but you really don’t know,” she said.

    A unique U.S. model

    The United States is unusual in allowing pharmaceutical companies to make direct payments to physicians for activities such as speaking, consulting, and advisory work. In many other countries, the dissemination of information about new treatments is more often coordinated through independent professional bodies, academic institutions, or organizations funded by governments or nonprofit groups.

    Efforts to move the United States toward a similar model have repeatedly failed.

    Doctors who participate in the system said they saw no ethical dilemma. Robert Busch, who treats diabetes patients at Albany Med Health System in New York, topped the list of doctors receiving payments related to GLP-1 drugs from 2018 to 2025, with $1.2 million. He also conducts research, which allows him to speak to doctors about clinical trials that he helped lead.

    “I’m educating my peers. I feel very good about that,” he said, “and I hope that leads them to benefit their patients, as I do my own.”

    A review of the content of promotional material for Zepbound, Eli Lilly’s blockbuster weight-loss drug, shows how the promotional and educational missions are intertwined. A slide deck presented to doctors by paid peers and obtained by The Post is largely dedicated to clinical trial results, interspersed with more colorful depictions of actors posing as patients.

    “When patients like Andrea and Alan are ready to take the next step, how do you get them off to a good start?” says one of the slides, showing the actors alongside a fine-print disclaimer that mentions the potential for thyroid cancer associated with Zepbound.

    The doctors interviewed by The Post declined to discuss or share specific slide decks, citing confidentiality agreements with the drug companies. In general, they said the materials strictly observe FDA rules, and reflect prescribing information and clinical studies cited in the product label.

    The Post asked a leading researcher and critic of drug company promotional activities, Georgetown professor Adriane Fugh-Berman, to review the slide deck.

    What the 75-slide presentation leaves out is telling, Fugh-Berman said. It does not substantially discuss the weight people often regain when they stop taking the drug, and does not include any information about how common it is for people to stop in the real world, outside of clinical trials, she said. Adherence rates to GLP-1 drugs for weight loss in the United States have been shown to be 60% or less.

    “Of course the company would like it to be taken indefinitely, but no evidence supports either efficacy or safety for long-term use,” she said.

    The presentation is an example of how Eli Lilly is using its promotional savvy to directly influence the medical community’s views, Fugh-Berman added.

    “They have controlled the discourse on weight and health so that people equate thinness with health, and that is just wrong,” she said. “You can be fat and healthy. You can be thin and unhealthy.”

    Eli Lilly did not respond directly to Fugh-Berman’s critique. It said Zepbound has been shown to be safe and effective in clinical trials, including one that tracked 13,000 patients over four years. Its promotional slide deck, on Page 61, contains information about weight regain among subjects in a clinical trial who were switched to a lower dose as well as a placebo.

    Specialists said more study of the drugs is needed. David Ludwig, a Harvard University professor and endocrinologist at Boston Children’s Hospital whose work focuses on improving people’s diet, said he has struggled to scrape together money for a clinical trial to test, in combination with GLP-1 use, whether a low-sugar, low-carbohydrate diet can reduce obesity and cardiometabolic outcomes.

    He said he has asked the major manufacturers of GLP-1s for funding, with no success. Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk did not confirm or discuss the request but said they review all grant requests.

    “If your only tool is a hammer,” Ludwig said, “then you are going to want to make an argument to keep hammers available for lifelong use.”

    Methodology

    The Washington Post analyzed data from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services’ Open Payments program for 2018 through 2025, the most recent year available. The analysis covers general payments — the category that includes payments pharmaceutical companies make to doctors and other licensed prescribers for meals, travel, speaking fees, consulting and similar services.

    To identify classes of drugs and the conditions they treated, The Post matched each drug’s national drug code to a standardized identifier called an RxCUI. This was used to link a medication’s brand name in the Open Payments data to its generic ingredient (for instance, Ozempic to semaglutide). The Post then matched each RxCUI to a drug class as defined by the World Health Organization’s Anatomical Therapeutic Chemical (ATC) Classification System — such as GLP-1s, blood thinners and antipsychotics. Where no ATC classification was available, other federal drug-classification sources were used to fill gaps. Nearly 450 drug groups were identified in the CMS Open Payments data. The drugs included in the GLP-1 group were: Bydureon, Byetta, Mounjaro, Ozempic, Rybelsus, Saxenda, Soliqua, Trulicity and Zepbound.

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  • Anthropic worker quits over AI firms ‘gambling with our lives’

    Anthropic worker quits over AI firms ‘gambling with our lives’

    An artificial intelligence researcher has resigned from Anthropic and called on other staffers to rethink their work, citing his concern that the company and its top competitor, OpenAI, are acting irresponsibly in their all-out pursuit of a technology that poses existential risks to humanity.

    Jacob Coxon, who said he had worked at both Anthropic and OpenAI over the past three years, warned in a social media post late Tuesday that the two companies were pressing ahead with “self-improving” AI models that could become too powerful for humans to control.

    “They are racing straight to self-improving superintelligence and gambling with our lives,” Coxon wrote in a series of messages on X. “Do not underestimate the power of this technology. These will soon be superhuman systems that can hack anything, revolutionize any field overnight, and acquire real power and resources.”

    Coxon said that the teams “building AI earnestly believe that it could kill us all by the end of the decade.” In response, Evan Hubinger, a current Anthropic employee, said he and others at the company do worry about this scenario. “I personally think it is >10% within the next decade,” he wrote on X.

    The former Anthropic researcher’s missive marked the latest in a series of increasingly dire warnings from within the industry that AI is evolving so quickly that it poses a growing threat to national security and the global economy. It came a day after the top scientist at OpenAI, Jakub Pachocki, cautioned that the world is unprepared for a rapid rise in AI and said he expected developers to voluntarily slow their work in response.

    Representatives for Anthropic and OpenAI did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    In July, more than 1,100 staffers across top AI firms, including Anthropic and OpenAI, signed a petition that calls on the U.S. government to support a mechanism that would help “deliberately pace” AI development to prevent the technology from advancing too fast. Some policymakers have since echoed their concerns. Sen. Bernie Sanders, a Vermont independent who aligns with Democrats, recently proposed legislation that would bar so-called “super-intelligent” AI models, whose powers exceed human capabilities.

    In announcing his departure, Coxon urged other AI researchers to think twice about what they are doing in light of the potential consequences of creating a technology that could slip beyond their control, suggesting they consider taking “this moment to call for different conditions.”

    The heightened rhetoric about AI risks follows revelations that a handful of models from OpenAI had coordinated efforts to escape a secure testing space and attack the research platform Hugging Face Inc. — all without being detected by their developers. Anthropic and Meta Platforms Inc. have also had recent episodes where their AI systems broke out of their test environments to gain internet access without developers’ permission.

    Coxon’s departure from Anthropic over safety concerns is all the more striking because the company has made responsible AI development a core part of its identity. CEO Dario Amodei has stood apart from the rest of the industry with his calls for mandatory government vetting of cutting-edge systems before they’re released.

    The surge in safety concerns surrounding AI coincides with a growing backlash against the technology in the U.S., fueled in part by objections to the strain on local resources imposed by new data centers needed to support the technology. Concerns that AI is driving up electricity bills and potentially taking away jobs has made it a central issue in the November midterm elections.

    In a Bloomberg Television interview last week, OpenAI CEO Sam Altman attributed some of that unease to the industry’s failures in communicating to the public all the benefits that AI will eventually bring. “The industry has done a terrible job of this on the whole,” Altman said.

    Others in Silicon Valley remain enthusiastic about advances in AI capabilities. In response to OpenAI’s new Astra model, Nvidia Corp. CEO Jensen Huang hailed its introduction with a post to his new social media account saying “AGI has arrived,” a reference to artificial general intelligence that is more capable than humans.

    Trump administration officials have pushed back on any moves to rein in AI development and last week they won unanimous support from Group of 20 member nations for a set of guidelines that call for a lighter touch in regulating AI and other emerging technologies. President Donald Trump has turned aside questions about AI safety, instead stressing during remarks on Friday the importance of leading China in the technology.

    “Whoever wins with AI wins, and it’s really right now, it’s really between China and us,” he told reporters in the Oval Office.

    Maggie Eastland and Shona Ghosh contributed to this article.

  • Hours after a Russian attack destroys their home, a Ukrainian couple gets married

    Hours after a Russian attack destroys their home, a Ukrainian couple gets married

    KYIV, Ukraine — On the eve of her wedding, Liudmyla Ryzhak pressed her delicately embroidered dress, laid out a full white tulle skirt and her soon-to-be husband’s traditionally patterned shirt, then hung them on the bedroom door.

    After repeated delays caused by the war with Russia, she was only hours away from marrying her partner, a 43-year-old Ukrainian soldier, in a ceremony in the capital.

    But as the couple slept, a Russian strike hit a warehouse across the street from their building, sending a blast wave through the apartment and threatening to stop the wedding scheduled for Tuesday morning.

    The pair were soon digging their wedding clothes out of the rubble. Ryzhak, 33, had to pull her skirt from beneath the debris, shaking off pieces of broken glass.

    Strike followed visit by U.S. envoys

    The strike came soon after U.S. envoys visited Ukraine on Sunday, a trip that brought a lull in Russian attacks. The assaults then resumed with drones and missiles. Explosions were heard in Kyiv for almost five hours overnight. Strikes continued during the day Tuesday.

    Like many others in Kyiv, the couple decided the attacks would not derail their lives and forged ahead with the ceremony. It had taken a long time for her fiancé, Leonid Ryzhak, to make it back from the front lines in eastern Ukraine.

    “If God gave me a continuation of life, then why should I put it off?” the bride said. “For someone, it ended. And who can guarantee this won’t happen again tomorrow? That tomorrow won’t come for us? At least for now, I have the right to be happy. Both him and me.”

    Liudmyla and Leonid awoke from the blast, which blew out the apartment’s windows and scattered its furniture. A burned curtain hung in shreds.

    Their ears deafened by the explosion, the couple’s only immediate thought was the risk of a second strike. They fled to a shelter with Liudmyla’s 6-year-old daughter and two guinea pigs but without the cat, which had hidden in fright and could not be found.

    They were lucky: By the time the second strike hit, they were already safe. The apartment was rendered uninhabitable until repairs are made.

    A friendship deepened into love

    The two met three years ago through mutual friends, coming together as adults who weren’t looking for anything serious. Both had children from previous marriages.

    But the friendship deepened. She supported him through his deployments to the front, and slowly the relationship grew into love. Leonid Ryzhak, who serves as part of a team that deploys bomber drones in the Pokrovsk area, arrived in Kyiv for a long-awaited vacation a week and a half earlier, just as near-constant air-raid alerts and daytime attacks began disrupting life in the capital.

    For six days straight, the couple went to the registry office but could not submit their documents because of constant air-raid sirens.

    When they finally succeeded, they were assigned Sept. 8. Nobody could have predicted that their apartment would be badly damaged on the same day.

    It wasn’t the first time for Liudmyla, who owns a Kyiv pet store. She had already lived through one attack, on Aug. 20, when a strike cut the gas lines and shattered windows in her home. She was badly frightened and for a time was afraid to go back.

    Eventually, ordinary life pulled her back in: The wedding was coming, and the children had to go to school.

    More attacks hit as they wait at registry office

    Eventually, the two put on their wedding clothes and headed to the registry office.

    Leonid tried to keep their spirits up. What mattered most to him, he said, was for his bride to be smiling.

    “It’s fine. We’ll get through it,” he said.

    When they stepped outside their apartment, the courtyard looked almost apocalyptic, with a column of black smoke rising behind a brightly colored children’s playground. Neighbors clearing debris stopped to congratulate the couple.

    “We should all be celebrated, that we survived,” Liudmyla replied.

    The couple arrived at the registry office on time, at 10:40 a.m.

    Leonid wore an embroidered vyshyvanka, a traditional Ukrainian shirt, with a pattern that matched the one on Liudmyla’s dress.

    In place of black dress pants, he wore army trousers — he couldn’t dig his own out of the rubble — and black sneakers with fluorescent yellow soles and laces, for the same reason. Liudmyla’s white tulle overlay had tiny, barely visible holes that were torn as she pulled it out from the rubble and broken glass.

    Shortly after they arrived, a siren sounded: Another attack had begun, and the registry office closed for safety. The couple waited in the courtyard, unsure how long it would last.

    Explosions echoed nearby as strikes hit surrounding districts and fires broke out. Almost three hours passed before the alert finally ended, and the couple hurried back inside.

    Against all odds, they became husband and wife

    Just before entering the hall for the ceremony, they paused, trading nervous jokes.

    “I didn’t even get to finish the repairs at home,” Leonid joked about their now-wrecked apartment.

    “I’ve never had such a spectacular day,” his bride replied.

    The ceremony went ahead as the officiant told them, “Love is when two people become a team.”

    Moments later, the two were officially married.

    “We’re gaining a new life, because we survived,” Liudmyla said. “You could probably call [it] a new life because it could have ended today, and none of this would happen.”

    In a different scenario, “I wouldn’t be wearing this dress. Someone would be picking out something else for me instead, something darker.”

  • Trump gave $45,000 cash gifts to Natalie Harp, two other close aides

    Trump gave $45,000 cash gifts to Natalie Harp, two other close aides

    President Donald Trump gave $45,000 cash gifts to his executive assistant Natalie Harp and two of his other young, loyal White House employees, according to financial disclosures released by the administration.

    On their disclosure forms, which were released publicly late last week, the three women described the payments as “Cash Gift for Holidays.” The gifts amount to about one-third of the $150,000 salaries they each earn from their White House positions, according to an annual report to Congress.

    Richard Painter, the former chief White House ethics lawyer for President George W. Bush and a critic of Trump, said the payments appear to violate a federal statute that prohibits the supplementation of federal employees’ salaries from outside sources.

    “He’s clearly trying to make it easier for them financially to work in government service at the White House,” Painter said. “You can’t do that.”

    A White House spokesperson denied that the payments violated any rules.

    “The President has a longstanding practice of giving Christmas gifts to people in his orbit, including at times employees and aides, both in government and in his time in the private sector,” White House spokesperson Davis Ingle said. “The gifts at issue here have nothing to do with any of these individuals’ official government duties, and therefore are entirely permissible under relevant legal and ethical standards.”

    The three recipients of Trump’s gifts did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

    Harp, a 35-year-old aide who rarely leaves Trump’s side, is known within the White House as the “human printer” because she carries a portable device to provide Trump with his preferred hard copies of news articles and social media posts.

    She has come under increased scrutiny since the Washington Post reported last month that she was one of a handful of close staffers who accompanied Trump on a catering truck that transported him under concealment as he secretly swapped planes to depart Turkey in response to a potential Iranian assassination threat.

    Days after the Post report, Sen. Jon Ossoff (D., Ga.) said at a campaign rally that Trump would rather “travel with Natalie on their apparently defenseless flying palace” — a reference to the airplane given to Trump by the Qatari royal family — as he accused the president of neglecting his duties. The remark sparked backlash from the White House and conservative media figures that intensified the spotlight on Harp.

    Trump also gave $45,000 to Margo Martin, a 31-year-old communications adviser who often gets closer to the president than his Secret Service detail to film his daily activities for social media, and Chamberlain Harris, a 26-year-old White House aide who serves as Trump’s executive assistant. Trump in February appointed Harris to the U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, which has oversight of his White House ballroom and other Washington-area construction projects.

    Trump aide Margo Martin listens as the former president speaks to staff and reporters during a 2023 flight.Jabin Botsford

    Walt Nauta, the director of Oval Office operations, reported a $20,000 gift from the president. Nauta, who earns $175,000, also accompanied Trump on the catering truck in Turkey. He served as a valet in the first Trump White House and was a key witness and co-defendant in the Justice Department’s probe of Trump’s handling of classified documents at Mar-a-Lago. A judge dismissed the charges in 2024, ruling that special counsel Jack Smith, who had brought the case, was improperly appointed.

    There are no other public instances of U.S. presidents giving staff employed by the White House large cash payments. Government ethics experts said they were not aware of any other payments of this scale from a superior to a subordinate government worker.

    Traditionally, government ethics officials worry about situations in which a company that previously employed a federal official tries to provide additional money to make it easier for them to serve in government, Painter said.

    When employers give a holiday gift to a person who works in their house, that is considered part of their income, he added.

    “It’s not like tipping the doorman on Fifth Avenue,” he said. “These are U.S. government employees. If you want a job where you get tips, you shouldn’t be working for the U.S. government.”

    Under the law, both the person who pays the supplemental income and the person who receives it are liable. The Trump Justice Department might decline to enforce the law, but the statute of limitations is five years. Trump’s term ends in a little over two years.

    Federal employees are also subject to restrictions on what gifts they can give or receive to ensure government decisions remain impartial.

    Don Fox, the former acting director of the Office of Government Ethics (OGE) in the Obama administration, said it was not clear from the available facts that the payments violate the prohibition on supplementation. He said that would be the case if Trump made the gifts after one of the employees said they were leaving for the private sector because they couldn’t live on what they were making, and he gave them a supplement to level the disparity in salaries.

    There are rules that restrict employees from giving gifts to their superiors over concerns they could be abused to curry favor. But a large payment to a subordinate is “not a circumstance that OGE ever really envisioned,” Fox said. “This just doesn’t happen.”

    He said the most expensive gift he remembered receiving as a federal employee from a superior was a fruit basket around the holidays.

    Even in the absence of any violation, however, Fox said he still found the payments “troublesome” because they could leave the aides indebted to Trump.

    “I would feel somewhere between really uncomfortable and then beholden to the person who gave me such a large gift,” he said.

    Harp, Martin, Harris, and Nauta all have ties to Trump dating from his first term, and they were all among a small inner circle of aides who worked for Trump in Florida in between his presidencies. Harp, Martin, and Harris have limited work experience that isn’t tied to Trump.

    Harp gained national attention in 2019 for a LinkedIn post in which she credited a law Trump signed in 2018 expanding access to experimental treatments with saving her life following a Stage 2 bone cancer diagnosis. Medical experts have cast doubt on those claims. Harp spoke about the experience at the 2020 Republican National Convention. As an anchor with One America News, she frequently promoted Trump’s false claims that he won the 2020 election. She began working for Trump in 2022 after leaving the network.

    Martin began working for the Trump White House as a press assistant in 2019 and continued to work as a press secretary for Trump after the inauguration of President Joe Biden. Harris began her career at the White House and was known as the “receptionist of the United States” during Trump’s first term.

    Nauta is a Guam native who enlisted in the Navy in 2001. By 2021, he was promoted to the rank of senior chief culinary specialist, according to military records. Nauta was working in the White House at that time, and Trump promoted him to be his valet, according to court records. Valets are often known as “body men,” following politicians closely so that they can provide them with everything from snacks to schedules.

    They each reported that they had no income or employment assets from a spouse in their disclosures.

  • A bad year for bees gets worse as Trump’s tariffs hit Canada’s honey belt

    A bad year for bees gets worse as Trump’s tariffs hit Canada’s honey belt

    EDMONTON, Alberta — In central Alberta, where the heaviest rains in more than a century kept worker bees inactive for much of the summer, Mike deJong, a beekeeper, was already facing a bleak honey harvest.

    Then President Donald Trump imposed 50% tariffs on honey and hundreds of other Canadian products.

    The tariffs took effect after trade negotiations between the two countries collapsed Aug. 21. Trump said the move punishes Canada for discriminating against U.S. exports.

    “This year humbled me,” said deJong, the owner of Busy Bee Farm Ltd., which, at 20,000 hives, is one of the largest operations in central Alberta. The province produces 40% of Canadian honey.

    Walking briskly around his sprawling honey house, deJong gestures to machinery, steel drums, wooden boxes, and other supplies that, ordinarily purchased from U.S. suppliers, now cost farmers more at checkout — because Canada retaliated with tariffs of up to 50% on hundreds of U.S. exports.

    While far from Canada’s most significant agricultural commodity — it represented roughly $175 million in production value last year — the honey industry and its 16,300 beekeepers are foundational to farming. Beehives are contracted out to pollinate fields of alfalfa, clover, and the multibillion-dollar canola crop. The sector also illustrates how the trade war is playing out on the ground, far from Canada’s capital of Ottawa and Washington.

    About 70% of the honey Canada has exported this year went to the United States. Yet of all the honey that the United States imports, only 2% comes from Canada, making it a puzzling target, beekeepers say, by the Trump administration.

    The trade upheaval has left beekeepers scrambling at the end of a difficult harvest, when they would normally be selling honey and hauling barrels of it across the border. Rural communities are enduring pain acute enough that some farmers are questioning Prime Minister Mark Carney’s handling of the negotiations.

    “At the last minute, they blew the whole deal up,” said Ron Greidanus, the owner of Greidanus Honeybee Farm in Stettler, Alberta. “And we are the sacrificial pawn.”

    Greidanus pulled his white flatbed truck into his farm Thursday evening after an eight-hour drive from Polson, Mont. He had crossed the border with $32,500 worth of pine for hive frames, which would soon be subject to a 25% Canadian tariff and would have cost him about $8,100 more.

    Rain fell outside as Greidanus’ teenage son and another worker offloaded the wood, enough to keep his staff building frames for about two months over the winter. The weather inspired a metaphor: that each small farming business is a raindrop that, when collected together, has an amplified effect.

    “My business, it’s just a raindrop. But it matters to Pablo, it matters to Tanya, it matters to Tony,” said Greidanus, listing his staff, most of whom are seasonal foreign workers, and the local businesses that depend on his patronage. He plans to visit the United Arab Emirates this fall to explore new markets, though he has accepted that no one can replace the United States as a prime customer given its proximity.

    The economic pain from tariffs is especially personal in small Canadian towns like Warburg, a village of about 700 people southwest of Edmonton surrounded by endless canola fields and cattle ranches — the kind of place where Wild Hive, a local beeswax candle maker, has its name etched in the ice at the curling rink and on a sign at the hockey arena.

    “When you live in a small town, that’s all you got,” said Candice Prins, Wild Hive’s owner, surrounded in her garage studio by fragrant tapered candles, each hand-dipped, the traditional way, 16 times in hot beeswax.

    Prins quit her job last year as an agricultural inspector specializing in honeybees as her wholesale business took off, with American buyers accounting for 40% of sales and allowing her to hire three women from town. Since the most recent tariffs began, she has had only one sale from the United States.

    “We can’t give back or do as much for our community, which was kind of the goal when I started,” she said.

    Prins buys most of her beeswax from Good Morning Honey, a short drive north in Parkland County, Alberta. Its owner, Richard Ozero, has been diversifying his farm to offer retail products such as honeycomb and bee pollen, while exporting about 20% of his honey south.

    “We’re not eating their lunch, we’re not affecting their bottom line, so I don’t know how beekeeping got thrown into the cage here in this trade dispute,” Ozero said from behind the wheel of his pickup, on the way to visit his hives in a nearby hay field. “It kind of came out of nowhere.”

    Margins to absorb a 50% price increase are not built into the system, said Ozero, who likened the tariffs to closing the border. It has made preparing for the winter a challenge farmers cannot simply postpone.

    “The bees aren’t going to say, ‘OK, just call us when you’re ready,’” Ozero said.

    Consumers can also bear consequences of the trade spat beyond price fluctuations, industry experts warn, because honey is one of the most adulterated food products in the world.

    Fake honey, made with rice syrups, made up about 22% of imported samples tested in Canada last year, according to the national food inspection agency, while domestic honey tested 100% authentic.

    Canada exports more honey than it imports, but one byproduct of the trade war is that the two countries, which normally cooperate to protect the integrity of their honey supply, are now at odds. The clash could open the door to more fake honey entering the market, said Rod Scarlett, the executive director of the Canadian Honey Council.

    Canada also relies on states such as California and Hawaii, which, because of their warmer climate, are leading producers of the queen bees necessary for laying thousands of eggs and keeping colonies populated.

    Canada imports about 300,000 queen bees annually, 85% of them from the United States, according to federal data. The bees themselves are not subject to tariffs, but reliance on U.S. suppliers is another source of unease as beekeepers plan for winter and beyond.

    “Canadian and American farmers have spent generations building a continental food system,” Ozero said. “You can disrupt that system with a tariff overnight, but rebuilding those relationships could take years.”

    This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

  • Families grieve in the ruins of an Iranian school where a U.S. strike killed dozens of children

    Families grieve in the ruins of an Iranian school where a U.S. strike killed dozens of children

    MINAB, Iran — The sun set over this southern Iranian city, and Heydar Sadeghi was where he can be found almost every evening: on a bench next to the shattered remains of his grandson’s school. His face was soaked with tears.

    A banner strung around the rubble showed the faces of children and teachers killed here by an American airstrike on Feb. 28, the first day of the war on Iran. Among them are Sadeghi’s 11-year-old grandson Hami and the boy’s mother, Neda Salehizadeh.

    “I searched the bodies for my kids, thinking maybe one would be among them,” Sadeghi said Monday evening as he recounted how he rushed to the school in the moments after the explosions. He called out their names, saying, “’Come with me! I’ve come to get you.’ They weren’t there,” he said, weeping.

    The Shajareh Tayyebeh school has become a place to wrestle with grief and preserve the memories of the dead. Here, relatives try to comprehend the incomprehensible — how around 120 of their children could be snuffed out, just after they’d been dropped off for a day of classes.

    At least one U.S. missile hit the school that morning in Minab, according to an Associated Press investigation, but there has been no final accounting of what happened. Iranian state media have said 168 people were killed in the strike, most of them children.

    The Trump administration has yet to directly accept the blame or release findings of a Pentagon investigation into the bombing.

    A grandfather grieves every day

    For Sadeghi, the day of the strike began as every school day did.

    He drove Hami and the boy’s 9-year-old sister Nila to school along with their mother, his daughter-in-law Salehizadeh, who was a teacher. As usual, he planned to pick them up at 1 p.m.

    “But the bell was rung early — by Trump,” he said.

    Hami was a fifth grader who loved soccer and riding his bicycle, Sadeghi said. His body was so mangled in the blast, they could only identify him from the clothes he was wearing, he said.

    Nila was pulled alive from the rubble.

    “Thank God, she is physically fine,” Sadeghi said. “But mentally, no.”

    The girl and her father have moved in with Sadeghi and his wife. The slightest, unexpected noise frightens her. She often goes to bed in her grandmother’s arms but lies awake for much of the night.

    Sadeghi said he often invites Nila’s friends to come spend the night, hoping their presence will distract her.

    He wants to see Nila smile. So he grieves here at the school away from her.

    “I come here and cry,” he said. “Then I go home and dance in front of the girl.”

    The site is becoming a memorial to the dead

    The school had a girls’ school upstairs and a boys’ school and preschool on the ground floor. Some of the students were children of officers at a Revolutionary Guard base located next to the school; many were local children from Minab, which is populated predominantly by members of Iran’s Baluch ethnic minority.

    The banner at the site listed 120 students killed — 47 girls and 73 boys — and 26 teachers and staff. Three more children are presumed dead but their bodies were never found.

    The governor of Hormozgan province, where Minab is located, has said the damaged building would be preserved to be turned into a memorial and war museum.

    Several dozen visitors there Monday evening included relatives of the dead but also out-of-towners who had come to see.

    In a government-sponsored mourning ceremony held every evening, men and women — including one in the Guards uniform — took turns at a microphone, telling wrenching stories about those who died and describing in graphic detail the day of the attack. Some visitors broke down weeping from their accounts.

    A separate section of Minab’s cemetery has also been set aside for those killed at the school. Every grave has a photo of the dead, with a shade overhead and artificial grass around so families can sit with their loved ones. Some lay flowers and prayer beads on the graves. Others bring dishes of “shuleh-zard,” a saffron rice pudding eaten at funerals.

    One teacher tried to protect her students

    At the cemetery, Fatemeh Barani sat by the grave of her daughter, Nasim Neyestani, a second-grade teacher at the school. Barani comes several times a week to be with her daughter.

    She thinks about her daughter’s last hours, which school staffers later described to her, and how everything could have turned out differently.

    At around 9 a.m. news came of the airstrikes in the capital Tehran that had hit the compound of Iran’s supreme leader. They didn’t know it at the time, but those initial Israeli strikes killed Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and much of the top military leadership.

    Neyestani was alarmed, fearing wider strikes, and urged the principal to cancel classes and call parents to come collect their children, Barani said, according to what she was told by other staffers. The principal didn’t think that was necessary. But Neyestani began calling the parents of her 22 students herself, urging them to come get their children, Barani said.

    Fourteen of Neyestani’s children were picked up before the strike, Barani said. The parents of eight others did not get there in time.

    Neyestani took the eight children into the schoolyard, her mother said. But the principal told her to take them into the school’s prayer room, thinking it would be safe.

    The prayer room was hit. Barani said her daughter and all eight children with her were killed.

    “My daughter’s classroom was mostly left intact,” she said. “Probably if she had been in that classroom, she would not have been killed.”

    Details of Barani’s account could not be independently verified, but it meshes with other accounts. The AP’s investigation of the strike found that several teachers called parents to pick up their children before Iran’s government ordered schools closed nationwide at 10:15 a.m. The first missile hit the school about an hour later. Accounts of the strikes posted on banners at the school say three missiles struck. The principals of both the boys and girls schools were among those killed.

    A teacher’s mother is overwhelmed with grief

    After the strikes, Barani’s husband and sons went to the school; later, they told her her daughter had been killed.

    They found Neyestani’s bag. But Barani said her sons have hidden it from her because they fear seeing it would only hurt her more.

    Parents of students who escaped the school because Neyestani had called them visited the family to pay their condolences, but Barani said she was so overwhelmed with grief that she doesn’t remember any of their visits.

    She said she still hasn’t been able to enter her daughter’s bedroom.

    She talked about how her daughter, who had not married, was rarely idle. She taught in the mornings and worked as a salesperson at a cosmetics store in the evenings. At home, she stayed busy with her hobby making handicrafts, particularly “minakari,” a traditional art of decorating objects with enamel. The enamel work relaxed her, Barani said.

    The enamels are still there around the house, a reminder of her daughter.

    “Every day, this grief feels fresh again,” Barani said.

  • Oil surges above $100 a barrel as U.S. and Iran launch new attacks, while gasoline prices also jump

    Oil surges above $100 a barrel as U.S. and Iran launch new attacks, while gasoline prices also jump

    NEW YORK — Oil prices shot past $100 a barrel Wednesday as fighting between the U.S. and Iran escalated, threatening to increase costs for consumers and businesses worldwide.

    Brent crude, the international standard, climbed into triple digits after attacks on oil facilities and ships in the Middle East that could further debilitate an already weakened supply chain. It rose 3.4% to settle at $101.21 a barrel Wednesday. That last time prices were that high was in July.

    The latest developments in the war, both prospects of peace and renewed hostilities, have caused market whiplash before. Oil returning to the $100 mark raises concern because experts have warned that a prolonged period of steep prices would worsen the now over six-month-long conflict’s economic fallout. Crude is the main ingredient for everyday fuel like gasoline and diesel — which are also seeing a renewed spike in prices — and higher energy costs overall trickle down to just about every part of the supply chain, from groceries to clothing, cosmetics, and more.

    “Brent breaking above $100 is a major psychological milestone for markets, but the bigger concern is what this means for inflation,” Lukman Otunuga, market research head at global broker FXTM, said in Wednesday comments.

    Here’s what we know.

    What’s driving the latest surge in oil prices

    Crude oil prices shot up shortly after Israel and the U.S. launched their war with Iran in late February. Much of that is because the fighting halted most shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow waterway where roughly a fifth of the world’s oil supply passed before the conflict.

    Prices have fluctuated considerably over the last six months. Brent surged in the early days of the war — and at one point briefly reached nearly $120 a barrel. Volatility at times resulted in stark day-by-day price swings, but the benchmark settled above the $100 mark for a full month between late April and early May.

    Oil costs cooled in the early summer, plunging closer to prewar levels (roughly $70 a barrel) during hopes for peace and a plan to move oil safely out of the Persian Gulf. But new attacks soon piled up and talks crumbled, leading oil to renew its climb, albeit still with some volatility. The last time Brent settled above $100 was for a single day in late July. Prices have stayed above $90 since the end of August.

    This week’s jump follows the latest escalation: The U.S. military reported striking five Iranian tankers on Tuesday, in response to attempted missile attacks on a Navy warship and after attacks by an Iranian-backed Houthi rebel group ignited fires at oil facilities in Saudi Arabia.

    Recent stepped-up attacks by Yemen’s Houthis could constrain global oil supplies even more because they targeted an alternative shipping route that Saudi Arabia has relied on to transport oil during the war.

    Renewed pain at the pump and other costs for consumers

    Higher energy costs have already weighed on consumers, businesses, and national economies this year.

    Among some of the most immediate consequences of steeper oil prices is more expensive trips to the pump. Drivers are feeling the pain each time they fill up their tanks with gasoline. And rising diesel prices hike transportation costs for everyday goods hauled on trucks, trains, and boats.

    Countries in Asia and Africa — which rely more heavily on imports from the Middle East — have seen some of the starkest shocks over the course of the war.

    In Nigeria, diesel prices are up more than 90% and gasoline prices have jumped nearly 58% since late February, according to the latest data from energy tracker Global Petrol Prices. Countries including Indonesia (diesel up 87% and gas up 38%) and Lebanon (diesel up 80% and gas up 46%) have also seen steep spikes.

    In the U.S., the average price for a gallon of regular gasoline jumped to $4.22 Wednesday— up nearly 42% from the $2.98 seen before the war began, according to motor club AAA. Meanwhile, the price tag on American diesel keeps climbing to new records, setting yet another all-time high (without accounting for inflation) of $5.94 on average Wednesday per AAA, up nearly 58% from the start of the war.

    More expensive diesel can have an outsized impact on consumers because it is used in shipping and production. Some businesses have already passed on costs to consumers in the form of added fees on online orders and packages in the mail. And shoppers may see more and more sticker shock trickle down to store shelves — particularly for perishable groceries and produce, which need to be restocked frequently, or even harvested using diesel-powered farm equipment.

    Oil shocks don’t stop there. Jet fuel has become so expensive that many airlines have cut flights while raising fares and fees. And more expensive oil could drive up costs for a long list of petroleum-derived products, from clothes to crayons — as well as natural gas needed for making chemical fertilizer, which is facing an additional supply squeeze from the war.

    What $100 a barrel could mean for the road ahead

    It can take time for all energy shocks to trickle through the supply chain — meaning that squeezes even from earlier in the war could carry impacts that still haven’t been fully realized yet. And the return of $100 Brent may only add to those costs.

    Otunuga, of FXTM, noted Wednesday that a big question boils down to how long the spike lasts — pointing to July’s single day for Brent above the $100 mark, for example.

    “This time feels different,” Otunuga wrote, pointing to rising tensions. He added that a solid close above $100 “confirms this isn’t just a headline spike” and potentially opens the door toward $110 — although there’s still the possibility for momentum to fade.

    Analysts at Bank of America also said this week that additional refinery outages in Russia, reduced refining activity elsewhere, and sharply declining inventories have pushed diesel and gasoline prices sharply higher globally.

    They increased their oil price forecast for the second half of the year to $83 a barrel “in light of more persistent disruptions to Hormuz,” but said they still expected shipping through the strait to gradually pick up. If attacks keep a chokehold on traffic, prices could reach $95 to $120 a barrel, while damage to major energy infrastructure could produce spikes of up to $150 a barrel, the analysts wrote.

    The prospect of reaching a durable deal before the U.S. midterms looks “increasingly unlikely” and “could remain elusive even beyond that,” the analysts added. The upcoming elections are now just eight weeks away.

    Steep energy costs heading into November could prove particularly challenging for Trump’s Republican party, with many voters already sour on his management of the economy. Trump himself said Wednesday that he didn’t think oil prices would cool before the midterms — but would come down “right after.”

    Rio Yamat contributed to this article from Las Vegas. Grantham-Philips reported from Philadelphia.

  • LIV Golf files for bankruptcy protection in New Jersey as it tries to survive in a smaller version

    LIV Golf files for bankruptcy protection in New Jersey as it tries to survive in a smaller version

    LIV Golf filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection Tuesday in New Jersey with more than $500 million in debt, part of its goal to revive the league without Saudi funding.

    The move was widely expected after the Public Investment Fund of Saudi Arabia abruptly ended its financial support after the final event of the 2026 season. LIV said it has agreed to a restructuring plan with BC Partners as the primary source of its capital.

    “This process gives us the structure and time to pursue a landmark transaction and begin the next chapter of LIV Golf,” CEO Scott O’Neil said in a news release.

    O’Neil has said “LIV Golf 2.0” would feature players as majority owners in a reduced schedule. In a letter to LIV Golf fans, O’Neil said the new look would expand the size of the field from 57 to 75 players and introduce a 54-hole cut for the first time.

    In a letter to LIV Golf fans, CEO Scott O’Neil said the new look would expand the size of the field from 57 to 75 players and introduce a 54-hole cut for the first time.Matthew Harris

    He said the team concept would be built around nationalities and that LIV would continue to tap some of its more successful markets in Australia, South Africa and Asia.

    Still, the new version would be a shell of what LIV had been when it launched in June 2022 — enormous signing bonuses to lure away top names from the PGA Tour, and excessive spending that topped more than $5 billion before PIF said in April it was pulling the plug.

    Still to be determined is the future of the biggest stars still with LIV, most notably Jon Rahm and Bryson DeChambeau. Rahm is playing the Irish Open this week and told BBC Northern Ireland: “I still have a contract with LIV 1.0 that I’m more than willing to fulfill. Like I said, time will tell.”

    Rahm, DeChambeau, Dustin Johnson and Cameron Smith were the leading four creditors listed in the filing.

    LIV listed between $100 million and $500 million in estimated assets, and $500 million and $1 billion in liabilities.