Philadelphia’s police union on Tuesday endorsed Gov. Josh Shapiro’s reelection bid, announcing its continued support for the first-term Democratic governor while touting his commitment to law enforcement.
“Every day, he has shown a commendable ability to work with local law enforcement and deliver the resources and support we need to protect and serve our friends, families, and neighbors,” said Roosevelt L. Poplar, president of the Fraternal Order of the Police Lodge 5, which represents over 14,000 active and retired Philadelphia police officers and sheriff’s deputies.
In a statement, Shapiro said he was “honored” by the endorsement.
“I’m going to keep fighting for the brave law enforcement officers who work to keep Philadelphia safe every single day,” he said. “I believe all Pennsylvanians deserve to be safe and feel safe in their communities — and we have focused every day on funding law enforcement and supporting the men and women that protect and serve our Commonwealth.”
It marks the second time the police union has embraced Shapiro for governor after endorsing him in 2022 over Republican candidate Doug Mastriano, who the then-president of the union said couldn’t be trusted to protect their collective bargaining rights. Shapiro, a former state attorney general, was a reliable government official who the union said was “there to help us with whatever we need to do.”
This election cycle, Shapiro holds a commanding lead over his Republican opponent, Treasurer Stacy Garrity, according to a recent poll from The Philadelphia Inquirer, the New York Times, and Siena University. The union has previously supported President Donald Trump, but Shapiro attracted its backing over Garrity, who Trump has endorsed in the Pennsylvania governor’s race.
Shapiro has also received support from other organized labor unions, including the Pennsylvania AFL-CIO and the Pennsylvania Professional Fire Fighters Association. On Monday, he received the backing of the Pennsylvania State Troopers Association.
Shapiro has maintained a comfortable relationship with law enforcement, and his campaign noted that he has signed multiple state budgets funding 2,000 additional officers across Pennsylvania and allocated more than $1 billion in community-based violence prevention grants.
Roosevelt Poplar, president of Fraternal Order of Police Lodge 5, on Jan. 26, 2024.Elizabeth Robertson / Staff Photographer
In his statement, Poplar also commended Shapiro for providing funding for police department needs.
“The Governor has delivered on his promise to invest in public safety, he has shown up with us in times of tragedy, and he has proven his commitment to keeping our officers and the communities we serve safe,” he said.
The police union’s endorsement of Shapiro is notable for an organization that just a few years ago was seen by some Philadelphia Democrats as politically toxic.
In the aftermath of the 2020 Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd, protests by racial justice activists swelled in Philadelphia and across the country with many of the movement’s participants calling to “defund” or abolish the police. They pressed local lawmakers to redirect police funding to social services, and Philadelphia City Council in June 2020 canceled a planned increase to the Philadelphia police budget.
Amid the calls for reform, the FOP was a major point of contention, as was its bombastic former leader, John McNesby. Activists — and many of their allies in elected office — said the union was too resistant to change and protected bad cops.
Former FOP president John McNesby holds a news conference on Oct. 19, 2022.Joe Lamberti
At the time, Shapiro was running for reelection as the state attorney general, and his campaign presented him as a “progressive reformer” who had established a unit in his office to review criminal convictions that may have been unfairly applied and a council to support people leaving prison with housing and employment opportunities. The FOP endorsed Shapiro’s 2016 and backed his 2020 campaign for attorney general.
Unlike some Philadelphia Democrats, Shapiro — who has rumored ambitions for a presidential run in 2028 — did not embrace the “defund” movement. He argued during a 2020 trip to Philadelphia that addressing structural inequities in the department and having strong law enforcement, especially in communities with high levels of poverty, were not mutually exclusive endeavors.
“We reject that poverty or institutionalized indifference and marginalization should mean that some people don’t get to have a safe community to live in,” he said. “We won’t give up on the belief [of] law enforcement showing up in a community to make people feel safer.”
Gov. Josh Shapiro with Pennsylvania State Police Col. Christopher L. Paris. They were attending the funeral for Philadelphia police officer Jaime Roman at the Cathedral Basilica of SS. Peter and Paul on Sept. 19, 2024.Alejandro A. Alvarez / Staff Photographer
In the years following 2020, public support for police in Philadelphia appeared to grow. The city saw a historic spike in gun violence, and Republicans nationally portrayed Democrats as soft-on-crime. When a half-dozen Democrats were fighting for the mayoral nomination in 2023, polling showed that most voters saw public safety as the No. 1 issue driving the race. None of the candidates embraced “defund,” and most of them supported proposals to provide additional resources to the police department as it sought to solve shootings.
In the end, the tough-on-crime mayoral candidate — then-City Councilmember Cherelle L. Parker — won decisively.
Eleven years ago, Carlton Williams was, to some, a symbol of government dysfunction.
He was leading the troubled Philadelphia Department of Licenses and Inspections, an agency engulfed in controversy over safety lapses and staffing issues following the deadly 2013 Market Street building collapse. The city controller called on Williams to resign, and Jim Kenney, then a candidate for mayor, promised that he’d get rid of him.
And yet Williams remained.
In July, he was named Philadelphia’s managing director, one of the most powerful positions in city government, second only to the mayor. He is assuming responsibility for L&I again, plus dozens of other agencies and thousands of employees who carry out the day-to-day operations that make the city run.
It is perhaps an improbable outcome for a longtime city employee who absorbed a level of scrutiny that could have easily ended his career.
But Williams proved durable, cycling through leadership positions across several departments while establishing himself as a City Hall insider. He has politically powerful allies and a reputation among City Council members as someone who will quickly act on their needs. That goes a long way with 17 politicians who value responsiveness and omnipresence, traits that they did not see in Williams’ predecessor, Adam K. Thiel.
Newly appointed Managing Director Carlton Williams interacts with city officials during a correctional officer graduation ceremony at FOP Lodge 5 in Philadelphia on Friday.Jose F. Moreno / Staff Photographer
Perhaps most importantly for Williams’ ascent: he is all-in on Mayor Cherelle L. Parker.
The ties between Parker, 53, and Williams, 57, stretch back to their childhoods in Northwest Philly — he played football for the Oak Lane Wildcats, and she was a cheerleader. The team remains a part of both of their identities: Williams has led the Oak Lane Youth Association for 20 years, and the mayor often says proudly that she is a “Wildcat for life.”
Later in life, both found allies in the storied Northwest Coalition, a powerful political family. Williams said that he has known for 20 years that Parker would one day sit atop City Hall. And he most recently led Parker’s Office of Clean and Green Initiatives, overseeing the implementation of some of her key campaign promises.
“I’m bringing the ‘One Philly’ brand to the managing director’s office,” Williams said in an interview, echoing the mayor’s oft-used slogan. “Not to say it wasn’t being done under my predecessor. But I want to make sure it’s completely aligned with the mayor’s goals, because I believe in that vision.”
New Philadelphia Managing Director Carlton Williams speaks at the podium after being announced by Philadelphia Mayor Cherelle L. Parker during a July 28 news conference at City Hall.Jose F. Moreno / Staff Photographer
His appointment as managing director marks a new stage for the Parker administration that has seen significant turnover at its highest levels. And it is indicative of what Parker values in her inner circle: vast institutional knowledge and loyalty.
For the mayor, trust in Williams’ ability to operate within the bureaucracy and advance her priorities may outweigh his mixed record of management.
“Whenever we had a crisis of any kind in this city, he has been on my speed dial,” Parker said when she announced Williams’ appointment last month. “No matter who’s been leading, I’ve always called him for his counsel.”
Overseeing ‘a very broken’ L&I
Parker’s bet on Williams would have seemed almost unimaginable a decade ago.
A year after Williams was appointed to lead L&I, an excavator demolishing a wall on Market Street in Center City toppled the building onto an adjacent Salvation Army store, killing six people and injuring a dozen more. The inspector responsible for the demolition project died by suicide a week later.
Calls for reform abounded and questions swirled about whether the city’s agencies were responsible. There were multiple investigations launched and commissions convened to probe the disaster, and within days, Council members were pressing Williams to institute reforms that would bolster safety on private construction sites.
In response, Williams sought to hire more inspectors, increase their training, raise demolition standards, and create new specialized units within L&I.
Today, he says the collapse on Market Street was “one of the saddest moments” of his time in government.
“You have to lead through some tough challenges when you’re a leader,” he said. “You don’t get to pick and choose when you lead.”
In this June 2013 file photo, then-Philadelphia Commissioner of the Department of Licenses and Inspections Carlton Williams (second from right) waits in line to attend a memorial service for Anne Bryan, who was among the victims of the Market Street building collapse.JOSEPH KACZMAREK / Associated Press
By fall 2015, then-City Controller Alan Butkovitz was calling on Williams to be fired. He said at the time that L&I had long been troubled, but that his office’s audit of the agency found that Williams had not made enough improvements.
In this 2013 photo, then-Deputy Mayor Everett Gillison (left) and then-Commissioner of Licenses and Inspections Carlton Williams listen to members of City Council during a hearing.TOM GRALISH / Staff Photographer
Butkovitz now says that he blames former Mayor Michael Nutter instead, and that Williams was “caught between the mayor and me.” He said Williams had promised to provide the controller’s office with documents to assist in an audit, and then did not.
“I took it out on Carlton Williams at the time,” Butkovitz said.“His inclination was to cooperate with me, but at the time, it looked to me like duplicity. And I don’t think it was. I think he was overridden by higher authority.”
Nutter did not respond to a request for comment.
Estelle Richman, a former Philadelphia managing director who has held a variety of roles in local, state and federal government, said L&I is “one of the most difficult city departments.” She noted that past agency leaders have been pushed out, fired, indicted, and jailed.
“We can go back and say ‘maybe [Williams] should have done this or that,’ but the reality is it was a very broken department,” she said. “I think he did more to try to get it restabilized and back on track than any other commissioner at that time could have done.”
‘You have to be accessible’
Before taking the helm at L&I, Williams was a career bureaucrat.
Born in North Philly and raised in West Oak Lane, Williams started with the city at age 19, working in Fairmount Park as one of the first-ever members of the Philadelphia Ranger Corps. The program paid for part of his tuition to attend Temple University and marked his foray into public service.
Jeffrey Montague, who led the Philadelphia Ranger Corp. and has been a mentor to Williams for decades, said that at a young age, Williams showed potential.
“He didn’t try to fit in. He always stood out on his own independence,” Montague said. “He wasn’t trying to fit into a crowd.”
After working as a ranger, Williams spent three years running a Harrisburg youth program for AmeriCorps — the first and last time Williams lived outside the city.
He returned to Philadelphia to work for the Parks and Recreation Department, rising to become a deputy commissioner in both the recreation and streets departments.
Then came the four-year stint leading L&I, and when Kenney took office in 2016, he moved Williams back to his old job as a deputy in the streets and sanitation department.
But it didn’t last. Five months after Kenney took office, the streets commissioner was arrested for assault. Williams ascended to the role, and suddenly, the person who Kenney said he wouldn’t retain to lead L&I was in charge of one of Philadelphia’s most visible departments, overseeing transportation and sanitation operations citywide.
Carlton Williams, then the director of the Office of Clean and Green Initiatives, speaks during a news conference at Bigler and South 15th Streets on July 7, 2025.Monica Herndon / Staff Photographer
It was there where Williams solidified himself as a City Hall fixture. He said that as an administration staffer,he has “one primary that I listen to” — the mayor — but he has always tried to be attentive to Council.
That may be a key difference between Williams and Thiel, his predecessor. Thiel was the former fire commissioner and a nationally recognized expert in emergency management who was seen as a skilled behind-the-scenes operator.
But Council members said thatThiel did not foster close relationships with members of the city’s legislative body who are often conduits between residents and the mayor’s administration.
In addition, Thiel was often absent during major events in the city and he was frequently on leave — he joined the Army Reserve eight months into his tenure, and held several jobs outside city government, including as a consultant and professor.
That was a departure from prior administrations, when the managing director was often the public face of city operations.
On several occasions during the Parker administration, it was Williams who was in the spotlight. As director of the Office of Clean and Green Initiatives, he played a key coordinating role during the eight-day municipal worker strike that halted city services — most visibly, trash pickup.
And he oversaw the city’s response to a severe winter storm earlier this year that left much of the city encased in ice, despite weather emergencies typically falling under the managing director’s purview.
New Philadelphia Managing Director Carlton Williams (left) stands near the former director, Adam Thiel, before an introduction by Philadelphia Mayor Cherelle L. Parker during a July 28 news conference at City Hall.Jose F. Moreno / Staff Photographer
City Councilmember Anthony Phillips, whose district includes Northwest Philadelphia, said that prior to Thiel’s resignation, members of Council were “gravely concerned” about his frequent leave.Some members said that, in Thiel’s absence, Williams was their primary contact among Parker’s top staff.
“You can’t get certain things done and you can’t expect an efficient and effective city when you’re not present,” Phillips said. “Carlton is going to be the complete opposite of that.”
Williams said that his role as managing director is his only job aside from volunteering.
“It’s a full-time, 24-hour, seven-day-a-week job,” he said. “You have to be accessible.”
Williams’ coziness with elected officials has also drawn criticism.
A former city employee who previously worked for Williams said his relationships with Council amount to a “favor machine.” The staffer spoke on the condition of anonymity in order to preserve relationships.
“There is this cycle of Council getting calls from constituents, like ‘there’s a pothole,’ and then they get it fixed, and that’s the main work,” the former staffer said. “It’s not actually setting up systems that are solving the problems. It’s reacting to them.”
But Williams said some of his proudest achievements have resulted in systemic change: he led the installation of some of the first spraygrounds in the city, overhauled the recycling program, had BigBelly trash cans placed throughout Philadelphia, and started the annual Philly Spring Cleanup.
“He is probably one of the most well-prepared managing directors that the city has had,” Richman said. “He knows not only how operations work within the city departments, he knows the political structure of the city. And I believe a managing director has to know both.”
John Dougherty, the former leader of the politically powerful Local 98 of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, and his ally, ex-Councilmember Bobby Henon, were on trial for bribery and other corruption charges. Prosecutors accused Henon of taking official actions as a Council member at Dougherty’s behest in exchange for a salaried, no-show job with the union.
One of the schemes prosecutors presented during the trial focused on efforts by union officials in 2015 to halt the installation of an MRI machine at the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, a project that was being completed with nonunion labor. Williams, at the time, was at the helm of L&I.
Department of Streets Commissioner Carlton Williams exits federal court on Oct. 12, 2021, after testifying in the John Dougherty and Bobby Henon bribery trial.Thomas Hengge / Staff Photographer
During the 2021 trial, Williams was called to testify. He told the jury that Henon called him in August 2015 to report that an unlicensed contractor was working at CHOP, and that he dispatched an inspector to investigate.
The inspector, Williams testified, issued a stop-work order on the construction of the MRI machine. But he insisted that he did not direct the inspector to do so, and told the jury that responding to complaints from Council members was a routine part of his job.
Ultimately, L&I reversed the stop-work order, and the MRI machine was built.
Prosecutors said Dougherty paid Henon to be his “man on the inside” in City Hall and used the episode at CHOP to establish evidence of a corrupt agreement between the two.
“You heard what happened,” Assistant U.S. Attorney Frank Costello told the jury during closing arguments. “Henon contacted Carlton Williams, Carlton Williams sent inspectors out and they issued orders — they issued orders to shut the job down.”
But defense attorneys said one public official asking another to take action doesn’t constitute a crime.
“Carlton Williams was the recipient of information just passed on to him about the MRI and the unlicensed contractor,” said defense attorney Brian McMonagle. “That ain’t a crime.”
During the 2023 mayoral campaign, when a half-dozen Democrats could have plausibly won the party’s nomination, Williams nearly left the city.
He said he got a job as the public works director in San Francisco, but before he accepted, Parker won the primary election. Williams decided to stay.
“I wanted to work for Cherelle Parker,” he said. “I believed in her vision.”
Mayor Cherelle L. Parker is applauded by members of her administration at City Hall on July 9, 2025, hours after reaching a tentative contract agreement with District Council 33 leaders overnight, ending the workers’ strike. At left is Carlton Williams, director of the Office of Clean and Green Initiatives. Chief Deputy Mayor Sinceré Harris is behind the mayor at right.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer
Parker took office in 2024 and created a new role: director of the Office of Clean and Green Initiatives. Williams would carry out her campaign promise to rid the city of its “Filthadelphia” moniker by implementing twice-weekly trash collection, an expansion of illegal dumping enforcement, and a biannual citywide program to clean every block.
As managing director, Williams’ portfolio will grow substantially. He will be responsible for the city’s response to public health and homelessness, as well as overseeing large agencies like the fire department and the prisons.
He will also coordinate the city’s strategies in Kensington, the beleaguered neighborhood and the site of an open-air drug market that the Parker administration has spent more than two years working to shut down. Williams said there is inherent pressure that comes with being responsible for addressing such long-entrenched issues.
“But I work best under pressure, and so I take that as a badge of honor,” he said.
Williams said he intends to prioritize communication with residents because they “understand that everything can’t get fixed at one time.”
“But at least we can say what needs to be done, when it’s going to [be] fixed, what’s the timeline,” he said. “I manage through the eyes of everyday citizens. I want what they want.”
William F. Dunbar Sr., a Philadelphia lobbyist who was an important unpaid adviser to Mayor Cherelle L. Parker’s 2023 campaign, on Monday pleaded guilty to federal criminal charges related to a tax fraud scheme that lasted six years.
Dunbar’s lawyer, Brian McMonagle, said Dunbar “accepts full responsibility for his conduct.” The charges were filed in July but were under seal until Monday morning. Dunbar entered his plea on Monday afternoon before District Court Judge Kelley B. Hodge.
Dunbar, 42, was charged with four counts including tax evasion and filing a false tax return. He was charged by information, a process used when a defendant intends to plead guilty.
“Today’s plea reflects his commitment to resolving this matter with honesty, accountability, and respect for the judicial process,” McMonagle said. “He has taken decisive steps to satisfy his outstanding tax obligations and has implemented appropriate financial controls and professional oversight to help ensure this does not recur.”
McMonagle added that Dunbar “has dedicated his professional and personal life to serving his community through public service, civic leadership, and charitable engagement.”
A spokesperson for the U.S. Attorney’s Office declined to comment on the case Monday.
The charges carry a maximum sentence of 16 years in prison, plus supervised release and fines. A sentencing hearing was scheduled for Jan. 11, and Dunbar was released on bail pending sentencing.
Dunbar pleaded guilty to filing fraudulent income tax returns for himself and his wife from 2020 through 2025. Prosecutors say Dunbar inflated his charitable giving and business expenses while dramatically undervaluing his taxable income, a scheme that likely would have lowered the couple’s tax bill.
For example, they said, in the 2024 tax year, Dunbar claimed $1.45 million in total business expenses while indicating he had no taxable income. Dunbaralso reported that he owed $46,000 in total taxes for that year, a sum that can include other taxes outside the income tax, but prosecutors said the amount he actually owed was “materially greater” than what he reported on his tax form.
Prosecutors did not specify how much money Dunbar owed the government in taxes, but said in court papers that it was between $350,000 and $750,000.
Assistant U.S. Attorney Louis D. Lappen told Hodge that, due to the fraudulent returns, Dunbar for tax year 2023 received a refund of about $30,000 while his spouse received a refund of about $36,000. Lappen said the couple claimed similar refund sums each year from 2020 through 2025, and that they should have paid additional taxes when they filed their returns instead of receiving refunds.
“Had the taxes been filed accurately and appropriately and without fraud, [Dunbar and his spouse] would have owed,” Lappen said.
Although prosecutors accused Dunbar of inflating expenses associated with his political consulting firm, Dunbar Public Affairs & Associates, there are no accusations in his charging documents that connect his conduct with Parker or others affiliated with her campaign.
Dunbar was a key member of Parker’s “kitchen cabinet” of informal advisers during her 2023 run, in which she bested a crowded field to win the Democratic primary and become the city’s first female mayor. Dunbar also has had ties to other high-profile Democratic politicians, including Gov. Josh Shapiro, U.S. Sen. Cory Booker of New Jersey, and members of Philadelphia City Council.
The Inquirer reported earlier this month that federal investigators last summer issued subpoenas for documents and financial records related to Dunbar, according to three sources with direct knowledge of the probe.
One of the sources said the investigation appeared to be a “fairly broad” review of Dunbar.
Parker’s campaign has dramatically increased its spending on legal services since early 2025, around the time the sources said subpoenas were issued, according to campaign finance reports.
The campaign paid its law firm, Dilworth Paxson, about $108,000 since the start of 2025, The Inquirer reported. By comparison, it paid the firm less than $15,000 during the 2023 election year and about $19,000 in 2024.
Parker last week declined to comment on the subpoenas related to Dunbar or on her campaign’s increased legal spending.
Spokespeople for the mayor’s office and for Parker’s campaign declined to comment on the charges against Dunbar on Monday.
Dunbar was never paid for his role in the campaign during the 2023 mayoral election.
In 2024, Parker’s first year in office, Dunbar took over management of the campaign. The campaign paid Dunbar’s firm a series of rent payments totaling $22,850 between March 2024 and November 2024.
Parker let Dunbar go from her campaign in the summer of 2024 in a move that Dunbar said at the time was the mayor’s decision. The campaign is now managed by Aren Platt, who was one of the architects of Parker’s 2023 run and served as chief deputy mayor in her administration before resigning in October 2024.
Dunbar appears to still be active in politics despite no longer being on Parker’s team. Two weeks ago, he posted on social media a series of behind-the-scenes photos from a filming session at a West Philadelphia barbershop for a Shapiro campaign advertisement, writing: “Where politics meets the people.”
Manuel Bonder, a spokesperson for Shapiro’s reelection campaign, said in a statement that Dunbar has “no formal or informal role with the Shapiro for Pennsylvania campaign.”
Dunbar’s lobbying clients include Comcast, the Chamber of Commerce for Greater Philadelphia, and Jackmont Hospitality, an airport concessions company, according to his lobbying registration with the city.
Dunbar previously lobbied for the Philadelphia School District, but a district spokesperson said earlier this month that he stopped working for the district in June.
Staff writers Abraham Gutman and Ryan W. Briggs contributed to this article.
The U.S. Supreme Court this summer overturned limits on how much money political parties can spend in coordination with their chosen candidates — the latest in a series of decisions by the conservative majority that have unleashed a flood of money into national politics.
How that will play out in Philadelphia remains to be seen. But local elections lawyers said last week it could boost the power of the city’s political parties to influence the outcome of elections.
“It will be disruptive to city elections,” Adam Bonin, a Philadelphia-based Democratic elections attorney, said of the case, National Republican Senatorial Committee v. Federal Election Commission. “It will give parties more power, and it will give incumbents more power.”
The Philadelphia Board of Ethics, which enforces the city’s campaign finance rules, plans to consider the potential impacts of the Supreme Court’s 6-3 ruling this fall, said board chair Ellen Mattleman Kaplan. That would ensure any changes would take effect before next year’s municipal elections, when Mayor Cherelle L. Parker and all 17 Council members are up for reelection.
In deep-blue Philadelphia, where most local elections are effectively decided by Democratic primaries, two key questions will determine the case’s impact: Does the ruling apply to local elections, and does it apply to primaries?
Both are legally thorny issues that could require lengthy court battles to sort out. But if the answer to both questions ends up being yes, the NRSC ruling has the potential to give significant advantages to candidates who are endorsed by the Democratic City Committee.
For instance, in crowded Democratic primaries for mayor or City Council, the party-endorsed candidates would be the only ones who could effectively circumvent the city’s limits on the size of political donations — currently $3,700 per year for individual donors — by directing deep-pocketed supporters to give additional money to the party, which is not subject to those limits.
The party could then work directly with its endorsed candidates on how to spend that money, including decisions on the messaging and timing of TV ads or door-knocking efforts.
To be clear, experts said, there are many uncertainties about how, and even if, the ruling would apply to Philadelphia municipal elections, where political money is more tightly regulated than in state and federal races.In the immediate future, the ethics board could take the position that the ruling applies only to federal races, not the city races it regulates.
“We haven’t come to any conclusions yet,” said J. Shane Creamer Jr., the ethics board’s executive director. “We’ve got to keep in mind that the federal law in that case is a little different than Philadelphia’s laws, including different rules designed to prevent circumvention of contribution limits.”
Additionally, the Supreme Court opinion did not specify whether its ruling applies to local elections, a question that could be addressed by subsequent federal court cases. The NRSC case before the justices centered on limits on coordination between parties and candidates in federal law that apply only to general elections.
But Philadelphia elections lawyer Kevin Greenberg said the underlying philosophy in the decision — that limiting political parties’ coordination with their candidates constituted a violation of the constitutional right to free speech — would likely extend to primary elections.
“There is nothing about the Supreme Court’s logic that inherently applies only to general elections,” said Greenberg, who has done legal work for the Pennsylvania Democratic Party. “What any judge and any lawyer thinking about how to implement this … would and should do is apply the Supreme Court’s opinion to what the next set of facts are, and under the Philadelphia law, this will be problematic for the existing [campaign finance] statue.”
The ruling directly applies to general elections for U.S. House and Senate races, meaning that federal party committees can now coordinate with — and spend freely on behalf of — candidates running for Philly congressional seats and Pennsylvania’s U.S. Senate seats.
But the two outstanding questions, about local elections and primaries, would likely have to be sorted out in court because the city is unlikely to voluntarily change its system, said Matthew Haverstick, a Philadelphia elections lawyer who often works with Republican clients. Such a case would require a candidate or, more likely, a political party suing the city, he said.
“Given the way the Philly ethics board and the city regulates elections, they’re not going to do anything unless they’re told to do it by a court,” Haverstick said. “Whether this decision has a direct impact on the Philadelphia rule is unclear. … You could argue that political parties can coordinate in primaries — there are good arguments that it could — but it would have to be considered in court.”
Haverstick is representing 2023 mayoral candidate Jeff Brown in a lawsuit against the ethics board. During that campaign, the ethics board alleged that a super PAC backing Brown coordinated with him in violation of campaign finance rules. A judge later threw out the case.
With Haverstick as their attorney, Brown and the PAC have since sued the ethics board, alleging in part that it unfairly targeted him during the campaign. The Commonwealth Court in March ruled against Brown and the PAC. They have appealed the decision to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, where it is pending.
A potential opportunity for Philly’s Democratic establishment
The local Democratic establishment’s influence in recent years has been waning as insurgent candidates backed by progressive groups have notched key victories, oftentimes with the backing of deep-pocketed outside spending groups supported by organized labor.
Depending on how it is applied, the court’s decision could create an opportunity for the Democratic City Committee to reassert itself by giving its preferred candidates, who are typically more centrist or conservative Democrats, access to a major financial advantage over their rivals.
The Democratic City Committee did not respond to a request for comment.
Currently, candidates for city offices are subject to strict limits on the size of donations they can collect: $3,700 per year for individual donors, and $14,800 for organizations. Outside groups known as super PACs can raise money in unlimited amounts — but they are prohibited from coordinating with campaigns over fundraising, strategy, and spending.
If applied to city elections, the ruling could create an exception to those rules for one type of outside group — political parties — allowing them to raise money in unlimited amounts and spend as much as they want while working hand in glove with their endorsed candidates. And in a primary election, where there is only one party involved, that could give the establishment-backed candidate a major advantage.
Chairman of the Democratic City Committee, former U.S. Rep. Bob Brady, at Mother Bethel AME Church Nov. 2, 2025.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer
But there is reason to doubt that scenario will become the norm in high-profile Philadelphia elections. In addition to legal questions about the NRSC case’s applicability, there are political obstacles that could prevent candidates from taking advantage of the court’s ruling.
To be endorsed by the city committee, candidates must receive the support of a majority of the 69 Democratic ward leaders, who often fail to reach that level of consensus in crowded races. And even if a candidate wins the endorsement, there is no guarantee they would have the donor network to be able to take full advantage of coordinating fundraising with the party.
Lastly, the party may differ with a candidate’s campaign on strategy decisions, or it could decline to raise money beyond the limits applicable to other candidates to avoid the appearance of tipping the scales.
Bonin said he opposes the current Supreme Court’s campaign finance rulings, such as the 2010 Citizens United decision that helped usher in the dominance of super PACs. But in light of those rulings, he said, the NRSC decision may be a positive development.
“If we’re going to live in a world where super PACs exist, we are better off strengthening political parties, which are more accountable,” he said.
A new twist in Council election races for the GOP and Working Families Party?
There is another arena in which the decision could have a major impact in Philadelphia: the general election races for the two seats on City Council that are reserved for independent or minority-party candidates.
Republicans held those seats for about 70 years until Councilmembers Kendra Brooks and Nicolas O’Rourke of the progressive Working Families Party won them in the two most recent city election cycles, a major factor in Council’s recent shift to the left.
At left is Kendra Brooks speaking with colleague Nicholas O’Rourke during caucus session. Philadelphia City Council gathered today for the budget address from Mayor Cherelle L. Parker in chambers, Thursday, March 12, 2026. .Alejandro A. Alvarez / Staff Photographer
The Philly GOP has seen anemic fundraising levels and dismal results in recent years. If applied to local primaries, the NRSC ruling could potentially help the party gain traction with the help of just a handful of major donors — especially given that it is less clear the Working Families Party, without a primary election, would be able to take advantage of the change.
If the NRSC ruling is applied to city elections, the Philly GOP would undoubtedly be able to coordinate with its nominees in those Council races. Vince Fenerty, who chairs the Republican City Committee, said he is seeking legal advice on that question.
“We’re hopeful that there could be a chance for us to help our City Council candidates next year and everyone else who runs [as a Republican],” he said.
It is unclear whether the ruling would benefit the smaller Working Families Party, which under Pennsylvania law is not a major political party. (Pennsylvania’s Commonwealth Court is currently deciding an unrelated case on the Green Party that could affect the legal standing of groups like the Working Families Party.)
At left is attorney Matt Wolfe and Vince Fenerty, chair of the Philadelphia Republican Party attended the hearing for Working Families Party candidates. Hearing in courtroom 443 Philadelphia City Hall for Working Families Party candidates on Friday, August 11, 2023.Alejandro A. Alvarez / Staff Photographer
In a statement, Working Families Party spokesperson Nick Gavio lamented the direction of the U.S. Supreme Court’s recent rulings on campaign finance law.
“Anyone who has knocked a door in Philadelphia knows that regular voters are not pushing to give billionaires and the ultra-rich more power to influence our elections,” he said. “WFP has no interest in overturning existing campaign finance regulations that act as guardrails against political and corporate insiders buying elections. We will of course continue to follow all campaign finance rules that are on the books.”
A new quandary for the ethics board
In stark contract to the increasingly unregulated world of federal elections, Philadelphia has some of the tightest campaign finance restrictions in the country, and the ethics board has aggressively enforced the city’s rules.
Critics, including Greenberg, believe the board has already overextended itself by sticking to Philly’s rules as the Supreme Court increasingly takes a wrecking ball to federal campaign finance law. And for Greenberg, the NRSC case is the latest decision that shows Philly is overdue for a full redo that “addresses these issues in light of the [Supreme Court’s] clear direction.”
“City Council needs to write appropriate rules, and the board of ethics needs to rescind almost all of its existing regulations and readopt them in law,” he said.
It is unlikely the ethics board would lead the charge in demolishing the campaign finance system it helped to create — one that has been widely credited with limiting the influence of corporate interests and super-wealthy individuals since it was implemented in 2005.
In an interview, Creamer, the ethics board executive director, referenced differences between the federal law in question in the NRSC case and Philly’s system — an indication the board could determine the decision has no bearing on local elections.
“We don’t have a similar structure to our law. So it may impact our law somehow; it may not,” Creamer said. “We’re still analyzing it.”
There are several important differences the board could point to. In federal law, for instance, there are limits on how much individuals can give to political parties, but in Philadelphia there are none.
In addition, the majority opinion in the NRSC decision, which was authored by Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh, discusses at length how rules around “earmarked” donations — in which donors give money to political parties and direct them to spend it on specific candidates — provide a “prophylaxis” against corruption that could result from eliminating limits on coordination with political parties. Philly does not have an earmarking process.
If the ethics board stands pat, candidates or political parties seeking to take advantage of the NRSC ruling could challenge the board’s regulations in court. Politicians in heavily Democratic cities like Philadelphia, however, face strong disincentives from taking that step, which would allow them to be painted as supportive of moneyed interests playing a greater role in local politics.
Bonin, who has been less critical of the ethics board’s approach to campaign finance than Greenberg, said resistance to the NRSC case would be difficult.
“Whether they like it or not, they have to allow it,” Bonin said, referring to coordination between candidates and parties.
Federal prosecutors have convened a grand jury to investigate at least one former Philadelphia Fire Department official who city investigators say facilitated a brazen overtime abuse scheme, according to court records.
Evidence of the probe became public in recent weeks as part of a lawsuit filed against the city by Anthony Hudgins, a former high-ranking fire official who was demoted after two women at the center of the overtime probe accused him of sexual harassment. He maintains that they did so only in retaliation after he exposed their wrongdoing.
Court documents made public this month include a report drafted by the Philadelphia Office of the Inspector General (OIG), which conducted a yearslong investigation into Hudgins’ claims that lower-level employees were abusing overtime. Attorneys for a woman at the center of that probe revealed that she is now the target of a U.S. Department of Justice grand jury, while the woman she is accused of conspiring with suspects she, too, is under federal criminal investigation, according to court records.
Inspector General Alexander DeSantis previously declined to release the findings of the office’s overtime probe into the fire department, saying the investigation was ongoing.
The report, dated September 2025, details claims of rampant overtime abuse by former paramedic Jacqulyn Murphy that amounted to more than $180,000 in “unjust” compensation through 2023 and 2024, well over her $94,549 annual base salary.
Murphy made some of that pay during “impossible shifts,” investigators wrote. In May 2024, for instance, Murphy clocked 22 hours of overtime while she was vacationing in Cancún. And four months later, she was paid to work 12-hour shifts every day while traveling to Las Vegas to get married, including on her wedding day and the day of her return trip home.
Investigators said that she did not act alone. Supervisor Marian Farris, they wrote, rubber-stamped the overtime approvals and manipulated tax withholding statuses for Murphy and herself. The report cited emails from Murphy’s city account showing she made biweekly $500 payments to someone named “Marian F.” for six months in 2024.
“Murphy and Farris worked together to defraud the City of Philadelphia of thousands of dollars in unearned compensation and other benefits,” the OIG report said. It calls for “heavy administrative and criminal consequences.”
Farris and Murphy did not respond to requests for comment.
In a June 4 letter included in the court filing, federal prosecutors based in Philadelphia informed Farris that she is the target of a grand jury investigation concerning bribery and wire fraud. The letter did not elaborate on the nature of the investigation.
Attorneys for Farris filed the target letter in the Hudgins case as part of a request to the court to delay discovery proceedings, citing conflicts with the federal investigation.
Murphy has not yet received a target letter, but she expects she will “given the findings of the OIG that Ms. Farris and Ms. Murphy worked together to commit fraud,” her attorneys wrote in a filing on Friday.
Farris resigned in March 2025. Her attorney did not respond to a request for comment. In an interview earlier this year after Hudgins initially filed his lawsuit and detailed some of the inspector general’s findings, Farris denied receiving cash payments from Murphy in exchange for manipulating time sheets and said any payments were innocent transactions between friends.
The U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania declined to comment.
A spokesperson for the fire department did not comment.
City Solicitor Renee Garcia said in a statement that the city “takes any allegations of fraud, including overtime fraud, very seriously, including allegations of misconduct that predated this administration.” Some of the allegations involving Murphy date back to 2023. Mayor Cherelle L. Parker took office in January 2024.
Garcia declined to comment on “personnel matters,” saying only that “if misconduct is found, we take appropriate action to implement any warranted discipline.”
The publication of the inspector general’s long-guarded report is the latest twist in a saga that has long roiled the fire department. It began with what appeared to be dueling probes, as multiple women contended that Hudgins — who was formerly the fire department’s No. 2 in charge — engaged in sexually inappropriate behavior in the workplace that included unwanted touching and intimidation tactics, The Inquirer reported in 2025.
But Hudgins has maintained those complaints were lodged by Murphy, Farris, and other associates only after he uncovered and reported their overtime inconsistencies.
His timeline was confirmed in the OIG report. Investigators wrote that Hudgins conducted an overtime review that predated a discrimination complaint filed in November 2024 by the union that represents firefighters and paramedics. That complaint listed Murphy as an alleged victim and Hudgins as a respondent.
The OIG report does not offer a conclusion related to the sexual harassment complaints.
Hudgins declined to comment through an attorney on Friday.
The city hired the law firm Campbell Durrant to conduct an investigation into the sexual harassment allegations, but that report has not been made public. Hudgins claims in his lawsuit against the city that the firm cleared him of “verbal misconduct” and found that he had “hugged co-workers.”
Hudgins was reassigned to work remotely, and then was forced to take a leave of absence.
The inspector general recommended that the city implement several reforms to prevent future overtime abuses, including retraining and rehiring the fire department’s payroll and human resources staff. The office also said the fire department should implement new overtime controls.
Garcia did not respond to specific questions about whether those changes had been instituted in the fire department, saying only that “the administration has implemented significant actions across all city agencies to strengthen its overtime procedures and protocols.”
When hundreds of Upper Merion residents came to a township planning meeting in the spring of 2026 to oppose construction of five proposed data centers in King of Prussia, they discovered that, according to the developer, they had little recourse. The plans were code compliant, Brian J. O’Neill of MLP Ventures claimed. They required no rezoning, no variances — and no vote from township officials.
Yet, the residents didn’t just roll over. Instead, they set about organizing. A petition against the proposal garnered roughly 18,000 signatures — a majority of the township’s population. After an intense three-month campaign against the plans, the township Board of Supervisors rejected them in August. O’Neill vowed to appeal, and accused the board of violating state and local planning codes (which they denied), so the fight may not be over.
The board’s action reflected how fierce blowback across the country has politicians across the ideological spectrum rushing to limit data center construction. Both Texas Republican Gov. Greg Abbott and Pennsylvania Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro recently placed limits on data center construction.
As the campaign against data centers proceeds, opponents can learn from the experiences of towns caught up in the high-tech manufacturing boom of the mid-20th century. That history shows what happens when residents disagree with politicians on these initiatives. And, while not every locality will succeed in stopping a data center, what residents build in these campaigns can outlast the fight itself.
In the 1950s and 1960s, city councils throughout the San Francisco Bay Area eagerly courted technology industries to build campuses in their cities. Officials in these places saw high-tech as the future of American industrialization. They hoped that these new facilities would become an economic boon for their cities and sought to capture new tax dollars from businesses and new residents. Some places, like San José, went so far as to give land to companies like IBM without following the usual avenues for development.
Cities weren’t the only ones that saw high-tech industry as the economy of the future. Stanford University, under the guidance of administrators who had worked in scientific research during World War II, saw high-tech research and development as an engine for economic growth for the university. They developed new programs around electrical engineering and electronics research, created industry-university worker programs that allowed employees to enroll in Stanford classes and encouraged students to found their own companies.
In 1954, Stanford used a piece of its vast landholdings to create the Stanford Industrial Park (later, Stanford Research Park), which attracted the likes of Fairchild Semiconductor and Kodak, alongside companies founded by one-time Stanford students such as Varian Associates and Hewlett-Packard. Business developers at the university were right: within a decade, the new office park was generating millions of dollars of new revenue for the university.
In 1960, the university and City of Palo Alto announced that the Ampex Corporation planned to build an office campus in the research park outside Los Altos Hills. The city council had already approved rezoning the land for light industry, and the plan appeared poised to proceed.
Neighboring residents, however, were not so keen on the university’s plans. Stanford neglected to consider the impact of the development on the local communities. Residents expressed concern about increased traffic and smog, as well as the potential environmental degradation of the pastoral foothills. They were also irritated by Stanford’s seemingly smug attitude toward community relations.
Through community and alumni networks, residents formed the Citizens Committee on Regional Planning (CCRP) to organize resistance to the Ampex plans. Within a month, CCRP organized community meetings, editorials and letter writing campaigns so forceful that Stanford University President Wallace Sterling referred to the event as the “Battle of the Hills.” One resident expressed dismay to Sterling, noting that “we now have smog, congestion, and acres of asphalt where we once had fresh air and freedom of movement in a beautiful countryside — one of the finest climates on earth!”
Hundreds of letters in opposition to the planned construction poured into the Sterling’s office: within four months of announcing the plan, nearly 400 such letters had reached the university president. Meanwhile, residents flooded the letters-to-the-editor section of the Palo Alto Times with opposition to the plan.
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In response, the university’s business manager, Alf Brandin, took to the pages of the newspaper to cast the university as a reluctant developer, writing that Stanford was “doing everything we possibly can to produce income” to support the university’s mission. Stanford also pushed back against criticism by reminding residents of the role the university had played in preserving open spaces — in the form of its campus lands — and in encouraging economic development that benefited the community.
When the letter and editorial campaigns failed to budge Stanford, residents turned to their next tool: the referendum. In June, five months after Stanford announced its plans, organizers began circulating petitions throughout Palo Alto calling on the city council to rescind its decision to rezone the land for industry and allow residents to vote on the issue. Four days before the rezoning ordinance became official, organizers filed a petition with the city clerk with 2,000 signatures, double the amount required to force a vote.
Placed on the ballot that November, the Stanford lands were now in the hands of residents. A “yes” vote would keep the city council’s rezoning in place and allow Ampex to proceed with construction, while a no vote would kill the development.
The debate continued to play out in the pages of the Palo Alto Times. The newspaper’s editorial board came out in favor of Stanford’s plans, arguing that residents’ concerns over the loss of a foothill overlooked the way in which Stanford’s landholdings “constituted a free park” for Palo Alto and its surrounding communities.
This sort of argument proved persuasive. In November, the referendum to stop the construction lost in a close vote. Stanford’s grassroots campaigning had helped to convince voters to bless the construction plans.
Yet, this win proved to be a pyrrhic victory. The yearlong political campaign had spooked Ampex, which decided to build its new facilities elsewhere.
Ultimately, the neighbors won in another way as well: their campaign against the Ampex development had created a durable organizing network. Those involved in the fight continued organizing against high-tech development plans, forming new conservation and environmental groups and galvanizing networks that successfully shaped future decisions and plans.
Within five years, new waves of conservation-minded city council candidates displaced their more developer-friendly predecessors. High-tech developers now had to contend with the concerns of communities.
The successors and offshoots of the high-tech entrepreneurs and companies who propelled the rise of high-tech industry in California in the 1950s and 1960s are now building data centers. Residents in Pennsylvania, California, Texas, Virginia, Nevada, Nebraska, Ohio and elsewhere have come out in heavy opposition to their plans, concerned over their footprint, water use, electricity needs and taxes. They see these downsides as outweighing the economic benefits and new jobs that boosters promise the data centers will bring to communities — O’Neill released an economic impact study claiming that building the King of Prussia data centers would have created 10,000 construction jobs and more than $55 million per year in local tax revenue.
States and counties across the United States have passed moratoriums on data center construction while congressional and gubernatorial candidates find themselves taking a stand on the issue as well. Congress is also getting involved. Among the most forceful proposed efforts is California Rep. Ro Khanna’s Data Center Bill of Rights, which seeks to establish zoning restrictions, require independent environmental and economic impact statements for any project, and protect residents from higher utility bills.
The history of the fight over high-tech industry in the 1950s and 1960s suggests that those crusading against data centers may not win the short-term fight. Residents and local governments might find the economic arguments of data center backers persuasive just as pro-development arguments won over the voters in Palo Alto decades ago. Yet, even when they fail in the short term, these campaigns might spook companies and can seed organizing networks that will shape local development for years to come.
Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of The Inquirer.
Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner drew a rebuke Wednesday from Attorney General Todd Blanche after he said President Donald Trump’s White House ballroom, which is currently under construction, should be blown up and pieces of debris sold as paperweights.
Krasner, a progressive Democrat who has centered much of his political identity on opposing Trump, made the initial comments Tuesday during an event at the President’s House Site, George Washington’s Philadelphia home. The Trump administration this year removed educational panels about slavery from the site and replaced them with an exhibit that experts say sanitizes history.
According to NBC Philadelphia, the district attorney said during his remarks at the annual Slavery Commiseration ceremony on Tuesday that “there is a beautiful time coming [when] the memorial will be here.”
“Let me tell you what will not be here: There will not be a ballroom,” Krasner said, referring to the ballroom and military bunker that Trump wants to replace the demolished East Wing of the White House. “What is going to be happening is that, in about 10 or 15 years … I’m gonna have a paperweight sitting on my desk. You know what that paperweight’s going to be? It’s gonna be a piece of the ballroom after we all blow it up.”
Krasner paused, then added: “In an official ceremony, just so we’re clear. In an official ceremony, we’re gonna blow it up, and we’re gonna give the taxpayers their money back by selling all the pieces as paperweights.”
The remarks by the Philadelphia district attorney, a third-term prosecutor who has recently flirted with running for higher office, were the latest in a long line of provocative comments he has made about Trump and other GOP officials. Earlier this year, the White House press secretary and Republican members of Congress ripped Krasner after he called federal immigration enforcement agents “wannabe Nazis” and said Trump’s administration is orchestrating a “fascist takeover” of the country.
And last month, Krasner rallied with protesters in Washington and slammed House Republicans after they subpoenaed documents from his office related to the city’s immigration policies.
Video of Krasner speaking at the event in Independence National Historical Park rocketed around social media this week, drawing condemnation from prominent supporters of the president, some of whom said his comments were inciting violence.
The White House’s “rapid response” account wrote Tuesday on X that Krasner’s comments were “sick” and that “Democrats are the party of violence.”
Attorney General Todd Blanche listens as President Donald Trump speaks at the David Mack Center for Training and Intelligence, Friday, Aug. 14, 2026, in Garden City, N.Y. (AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson)Julia Demaree Nikhinson
On Wednesday, Blanche, who was confirmed earlier this month, appeared on Fox News’ America’s Newsroom to discuss a range of issues. Host Dana Perino asked him about Krasner’s comments and the timeline for the controversial ballroom, which had been briefly on hold amid litigation contending the Trump administration needs congressional authorization for the project. The Supreme Court this week allowed construction to proceed while justices consider the case.
“The ballroom is being built,” Blanche said. “And it’s disgusting that a district attorney in Philadelphia, who, by the way, has a city with its own problems, is so focused on what the president is doing in the White House.”
In an interview Wednesday, Krasner said he stands by his initial comments about the ballroom “100%” because “when you demolish a building, you do it with explosives and/or wrecking balls.”
Krasner added that he sees Blanche’s opposition to his rhetoric at the Slavery Commiseration event as part of the Trump administration’s broader project of stripping historical sites like the President’s House of references to slavery.
“I support the permanent existence of this historically important memorial in Philadelphia. I know that may be disturbing to white supremacists, but too bad,” Krasner said. “Philly is going to stand up for its history, and Philly understands that being an elected official is not about making everybody your friend. It’s about having the right enemies.”
Like scattered billiard balls, 16 Early Head Start children scampered across a rubber-matted playground in Southwest Philadelphia last week.
Vigilant for tumbles or conflicts, four teachers calmly monitored the 1- and 2-year-olds in their high-energy frolic at an early learning center run by KenCrest, a nonprofit that operates Head Start and other programs in seven neighborhoods throughout Philadelphia.
Head Start’s low ratio of one teacher for every four toddlers is a hallmark of standards for the 61-year-oldfederal program that provides free education, health, nutrition, family support, and daycare services for low-income children from birth to age 5.
But now, advocates say, Head Start risks being eviscerated by changes proposed by the Trump administration.
The vaunted teacher-child ratio, along with other foundational principles that make Head Start unique, is being threatened by plans to “deregulate” the program — overhauling the way it operates by eliminating more than 1,400 regulatory mandates that dictate how the program is administered.
“We could be going to two staff members for 25 toddlers and two for 30 older kids,” said Melanie Brennan, executive director of early learning programs at KenCrest.
“What’ll bathroom time look like?”
The Trump administration defends its proposed changes as the building blocks for a better Head Start, which serves 700,000 low-income children nationwide, including an estimated 7,500 in Philadelphia.
“We are removing unnecessary bureaucracy, strengthening nutrition and physical health, trusting parents and local communities,” said Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., whose department administers Head Startat the federal level.
That does not ring true to Head Start professionals in Philadelphia.
“It’s laughable to say all they’re trying to do is take away some bureaucracy,” Brennan said. “By ending rules that guide Head Start’s high, uniform standards, the administration’s real goal is to leave the education business.”
In Philadelphia, more than $70 million in federal funding for Head Start goes through the Philadelphia School District, the program’s largest provider in the city, said Diane Castelbuono, the district’s deputy chief for early learning.
KenCrest Director Josie Jones with staff and Early Head Start students.Jessica Griffin / Staff Photographer
The district uses that money to directly operate Head Start programming in more than 60 school buildings, mostly elementary schools, throughout the city, she said. It also works with approved contractors who run Head Start classrooms at approximately 75 childcare sites in Philadelphia, Castelbuono added.
Asked for comment on the proposed changes, the school district said in a statement that the Head Start program has “positively impacted” students and that district officials “remain committed to preserving the robust standards that have proven essential to our program’s success.”
‘Stunned and sad’
While only Congress can repeal the statutory authorization for Head Start, which has an annual budget of about $12 billion, opponents of the Trump administration’s proposal warn the new rules would weaken the program to the point it became unrecognizable — or stopped existing altogether.
The plan, called “Reducing Federal Burden for Head Start Programs,” was released Aug. 7.
Public comment will be accepted until October, when the administration hopes to finalize the rules.
Kush Desai, a spokesperson for the White House, said the changes would enable the government to provide a stronger program that ensures services “are delivered effectively to children and families in need” by reducing “unnecessary administrative burden.”
Advocates who have spent their late-summer vacations reading the complex, nearly 200-page document say they are in the process of marshaling opposition, which they hope will delay or alter the administration’s plans.
“There’s so much to unpack,” said Kara McFalls, executive director of the Pennsylvania Head Start Association in Harrisburg. “We’re checking with experts to see if Head Start becomes gravely harmed.”
Advocates say initial readings of the new rule justify their concerns.
Beyond altering teacher-child ratios, the administration would lower the cap on Head Start administrative program costs from 15% to 5%, which means local programs could spend only up to 5% of their total budget on operational overhead like management, human resources, IT, and administrative salaries.
That would be “devastating,” McFalls said, making it harder for programs to pay staff working in these departments.
An Early Head Start student plays with a doll at KenCrest in Southwest Philadelphia.Jessica Griffin / Staff Photographer
Additionally, the administration would require instruction to be conducted in English only — which could hit several Head Start programs across the city that offer bilingual education.
“That policy would be ridiculous and biased,” said Rachel Sanders, executive director of Your Child’s World Learning Center, which includes Head Start programs in Southwest and Northeast Philadelphia, as well as in West Oak Lane. “Our children speak multiple languages.”
While all primary instruction is in English, Sanders said, children who speak Spanish, Mandarin, Arabic, or another language are taught the lessons either by teachers fluent in those languages or by translators brought in to help.She added that 50% of the students in the Northeast location do not speak English on the first day of instruction, but that the additional support helps them eventually learnthe language.
“No way would we ever discontinue translating,” she said.
Under the Trump administration plan, requirements for math and literacy curricula would be removed. Also gone would be stipulations that programs check on whether families have provided their children with immunizations, dental visits, wellness checks, and mental health consultations.
And hygiene training — including the Head Start tradition that children brush their teeth in class — would end.
The proposed changes “left me stunned and sad,” said Chandell Craig-Cromwell, 39, of West Philadelphia, a mother of two Head Start graduates who works in human resources in a city agency.
“This isn’t just education, or babysitting. It’s developmental support,” she said. “I’m upset for all the moms who’ll get this new version of Head Start.”
If the administration alters Head Start so profoundly, said Sharon Wolf, an early education expert at the University of Pennsylvania, she questioned whether the program should still keep its name.
“I fear we could be moving to weakened, ordinary childcare,” she said.“Then, is it Head Start anymore?”
Madison Marino Doan, a policy analyst in the Center for Education Policy at the conservative Heritage Foundation, disputed the notion that the administration’s proposal represented an effort to eliminate Head Start.
“The current proposal under consideration is an effort to deregulate the program and give states greater flexibility to design programs that reflect the needs of their communities while maintaining current funding,” she said.
Doan added that Congress should simply end the program — a recommendation made in the foundation’s Project 2025, a conservative blueprint for a second Trump administration.
Some advocates warn the administration’s push to change the program has more to do with ideology than concerns about efficiency.
Tyrone Scott, a director at First Up, a Philadelphia-based early education nonprofit, said he often runs into people who self-identify as conservatives at public forums who say that part of Head Start’s true mission is to “indoctrinate kids with a political ideology that includes ideas like racial justice.”
But, he said, the mission of Head Start is a lot simpler than that.
“It teaches kindness,” he said. “That isn’t a political philosophy.”
Philadelphia is one of three finalist cities to host the 2028 Democratic National Convention, the party announced Thursday.
In addition to Philadelphia, the Democratic National Committee said it is also considering Denver and Boston on its narrowed short list of cities to hold the next presidential nominating convention. The announcement means that Atlanta and Chicago, which were on a previous list of five potential host cities, have been eliminated from contention.
Ken Martin, the chair of the Democratic National Committee, said in a statement that the three finalist cities put forward “incredibly strong bids.” He did not say why the party is no longer considering Atlanta or Chicago.
If Philadelphia is picked, the convention would take place from Aug. 7 to 10, 2028, at Xfinity Mobile Arena in the South Philadelphia stadium complex. The Republican Party’s 2028 convention will be held in Houston.
Democrats in 2028 will choose from an array of potential candidates to succeed President Donald Trump. No major candidate has formally launched a campaign, but Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro is widely considered to be a contender.
The announcement comes as Martin has faced criticism for his leadership of the party, especially as it relates to fundraising. Democrats trail Republicans ahead of this year’s midterm elections when it comes to money in the bank.
Mayor Cherelle L. Parker is joined by city leaders and Democratic National Committee Chair Ken Martin and his team for a “One City” salute group photo Thursday, April 30, 2026, after they toured the Xfinity Mobile Arena facilities as the city makes its bid to host the 2028 Democratic National Convention. Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer
The party’s decision to narrow its 2028 convention short list comes after Martin and other top officials traveled to the five finalist cities in the spring to assess logistical readiness, including arena capacity, technological capabilities, transportation and security infrastructure, and more.
In April, local Democratic officials and some of the city’s biggest boosters wooed Martin over the course of a three-day trip and presented the city as an improved tourist destination since 2016, the last time the party hosted its major convention in the city. That year, Democrats nominated former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who lost the general election to Trump.
The events draw thousands of party members and journalists from around the world, putting the host region in the spotlight for several days. Proponents of hosting the convention also argue that it will generate business as visitors eat, shop, and play; the true economic impact of conventions, however, is up for debate.
Mayor Cherelle L. Parker, who has led the city’s effort to bid for the 2028 convention, said in a news release that Philadelphia this year has “proven that we can do big things better than any other city in the country.”
She cited this summer’s litany of big events in the city, including FIFA World Cup games, the MLB All-Star Game and Home Run Derby, and events associated with America’s 250th birthday.
“We are ready to welcome the Democratic Party and the nation back to our city,” she said.
David L. Cohen, the longtime Democratic Party stalwart and president of Pick Pennsylvania, the city’s host committee, said in a statement that Philadelphia’s selection as a finalist “is a testament to the ongoing strength of our bid and our record of success.”
“We have presented an unmatched case,” he said, “built on experience, preparation, strong partnerships, and a proven ability to deliver major national and international events.”
Mayor Cherelle L. Parker has seen more than twice as much turnover among top officials in her administration than her most recent predecessors had at the same point in their tenures, according to an Inquirer analysis of personnel moves.
Come September, when City Solicitor Renee Garcia’s resignation takes effect, more than half of Parker’s highest-level appointees will have departed in the two years and nine months since she took office in January 2024.
Following last month’s announcement that Managing Director Adam K. Thiel and Garcia would soon be leaving Parker’s administration, The Inquirer compared turnover at the top level of city government under Parker with former Mayors Jim Kenney and Michael A. Nutter. The analysis included chiefs of staff, deputy mayors, and the half-dozen other positions designated by the Philadelphia Home Rule Charter as part of the mayor’s cabinet.
The analysis found:
Of the 11 people Parker appointed to those jobs, six have already left the administration or are poised to leave by September. Kenney had lost three of his 11 top appointees by the same point in his tenure, and Nutter had lost two of the nine officials in comparable positions.
Most strikingly, Parker has lost three of the top four officials in her government: Chief Deputy Mayors Aren Platt and Sinceré Harris, the architects of her 2023 campaign, and Thiel, who oversaw most of the city’s operational departments. By this point, Kenney and Nutter both had lost two of the six people who held comparable roles in their tenures.
For the director of the Philadelphia Department of Labor, a cabinet position, Parker is on her third appointee, after her first two left city government after short stints leading the agency. (Parker has also had three directors of LGBTQ+ affairs, a non-cabinet position, after firing the first two people who served in that role.)
In another cabinet role, that of commerce director, Karen Fegely has been serving on an interim basis since May 2025, when Parker’s original appointee, Alba Martinez, resigned to produce a musical.
Tiffany W. Thurman, Parker’s chief of staff, said the turnover has not raised “any red flags or alarms internally.”
“It’s cyclical, and it’s part of the process,” Thurman said in an interview Thursday morning, after the initial publication of this story. “The work is continuing, and it’s strong and it’s good, and the vision hasn’t wavered despite the turnover, and so I’m very, very pleased with the team that we have right now.”
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Although the top rung of Parker’s administration has seen high turnover, the analysis found that the next two tiers of city government leaders under Parker have seen less churn.
Of 18 key department heads not included in the charter-designated cabinet under Parker, three have resigned from or been forced out of city government. (A fourth, former Fire Commissioner Craig Murphy, stepped down as part of a scheduled retirement after Parker appointed him on an interim basis.)
Of the 76 additional political appointees, smaller department leaders, and deputies identified by The Inquirer — including all of the officials whose appointments Parker publicly announced as she filled out her administration — at least 12 have resigned, been fired, or moved to a new role in a discipline-related transfer. (Others have received promotions or switched roles to fill vacancies.)
Major officials who remain in the administration hold some of the most critical posts in city government, such as Police Commissioner Kevin J. Bethel, the first appointment Parker announced after her election, and Finance Director Rob Dubow, who has held his role since the start of Nutter’s administration in 2007.
While smaller in number, the departures among the second and third tiers of city government leadership under Parker have included losses in important positions, including Water Commissioner Randy Hayman, Licenses and Inspections Commissioner Basil Merenda, Chief Policy Officer Sophie Bryan, and Budget Director Robert McDermott.
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There is always turnover in administrations, but it is often clustered around the end of mayors’ four-year terms. (There are exceptions: A majority of Philadelphia city solicitors since 1992, for instance, have served around two to three years, putting the length of Garcia’s tenure on par with her predecessors.)
Traditionally, deputy mayors and chiefs of staff work most closely with the mayor, and the posts have often been filled by people in the mayor’s inner circle or top campaign aides. They often do not have deep city government experience, which was the case for Harris and Platt, both of whom have since returned to politics.
Appointments for operational positions, such as managing director and police commissioner, usually go to people with experience in their fields. Thiel led the fire department and the office of emergency management under Kenney. Bethel was a former deputy police commissioner.
Parker, at the helm of City Hall, has said she has a demanding leadership style.
“With my team, am I always stretching and pushing and requiring that homework is done?” Parker said in a 2024 interview. “Yes, but I also believe I have the best and the brightest people with me. So naturally I have very high expectations for them because, quite frankly, they’re smart.”
Candi Jones, the administration’s chief human resources officer, said that Thiel and Garcia’s tenures are roughly in line with the average length of their predecessors’ over the last four administrations.
“Turnover is not turmoil,” Jones said Thursday during the interview with Thurman. “What is of most importance is that the city has an obligation for operational continuity. … Everyday, our operations are continuing to be managed daily, weekly, monthly. There has been no gaps in service.”
She also emphasized that key officials like Bethel, Dubow, and Thurman “since day one have been in place and really have been moving the government forward.”
The Inquirer attempted to reach all of the former administration officials mentioned in this article. Many declined to comment for this article or did not respond to interview requests. Attempts to reach several others were unsuccessful.
‘Big Three’ loses two
Even before Parker took the oath of office, intrigue over personnel matters became a defining aspect of her administration.
After winning the mayor’s race, Parker announced in late 2023 that she would appoint a “big three” of senior advisers to lead her administration, rather than a single “big mahoff,” an all-important aide who touches almost all major decisions, as had been the case in past administrations.
“No one like me has ever been elected mayor of our city, and no one has ever organized their senior staff this way,” Parker, the city’s first Black female mayor, said at the time.
Parker tapped City Hall veteran Vanessa Garrett Harley to fill Platt’s role, while Harris has not been directly replaced.
Despite Parker’s initial vision for a triumvirate of top aides, Thurman has by all accounts become Parker’s indispensable No. 2. Parker has referred to Thurman as her “chief air traffic controller.”
Mayor Cherelle L. Parker walks from her office at City Hall on Wednesday, Jul. 9, 2025, to speak hours after her administration struck a tentative contract agreement with District Council 33 leaders overnight, ending a workers strike. With her are: Chief Deputy Mayor Sinceré Harris (from left); Chief of staff Tiffany W. Thurman; and Chief Deputy Mayor Vanessa Garrett-Harley.Tom Gralish / Staff Photographer
Thiel’s tenure with the city, meanwhile, has been one of the most perplexing sagas of Parker’s first term. In the administration’s early days, he often appeared alongside the mayor at news conferences during emergencies and major announcements.
But his public role overseeing many of the city’s day-to-day operations faded over time, and his obligations outside City Hall grew. In addition to working as a high-paid consultant and adjunct professor — as he had since the start of the administration — Thiel joined the U.S. Army Reserve in 2024 and took multiple leaves from the city for military service, including during this winter’s prolonged snow and ice emergency.
In July, Parker announced Thiel’s resignation, noting that he is leaving to “reenter the private sector.”
Philadelphia Managing Director Adam Thiel updates the latest from garage collapse at 30th and Grays Ferry with Mayor Cherelle L. Parker on Thursday, April 9, 2026.Yong Kim / Staff Photographer
New positions, new faces
Parker, who has also greatly expanded the mayor’s office staff and increased salaries, created numerous new roles after taking office. Several people left those positions shortly after becoming thefirst people to hold them.
Kafi Lindsay resigned as director of the Philadelphia Office of Strategic Partnerships just nine months after being appointed, according to her LinkedIn profile. Rachel E. Branson resigned as the director of the Philadelphia Office of Minority Business Success after a year and three months, according to her LinkedIn profile. And Hassan Freeman last fall was let go as director of neighborhood and community engagement after an altercation with Councilmember Isaiah Thomas outside City Hall.
Some signs of strain within the administration emerged during Parker’s second year in office.
Parker last summer fired Brandee Anderson, who was the chief diversity, equity, and inclusion officer, and Tyrell Brown, the director of LGBTQ+ affairs, amid a thorny personnel issue that also led to the deputy chief of staff, Chris Dailey, moving to the managing director’s office in a disciplinary transfer.
Last month, Anderson sued the city, alleging her termination was part of an effort to “suppress” DEI work in the administration. Around the same time, Shania Bennett, Parker’s former director of youth engagement, a non-cabinet position created by Parker, posted on social media that her time with the mayor’s administration was “the worst experience of [her] life” and that she resigned due to “unprofessional harassment” from a fellow staffer.
‘What’s the bench?’
George R. Burrell, a lawyer and former City Council member who held senior roles under two mayors, said the personnel churn under Parker will test the leadership skills of the behind-the-scenes city officials who have been elevated to fill vacancies.
“The question you have, when you have this kind of turnover, is, ‘Well, what’s the bench?’” said Burrell, who served in the administrations of former Mayors William J. Green III and John F. Street. “The question of what happens next and the quality of what happens next is the quality of the bench.”
Veteran city staffers now occupy four of the six top roles originally held by Parker appointees who have since left City Hall. Harris’ position was not directly replaced.
The exception is former Assistant U.S. Attorney Monique Galloway, a newcomer to Philadelphia government, who will replace Garcia as the city’s top lawyer next month.
Burrell said he expects longtime city bureaucrat Carlton Williams, who has replaced Thiel as managing director after serving as Parker’s director of clean and green initiatives, to succeed in his new role.
“I watched him evolve into what is a productive public servant,” Burrell said. “So I think that’s a bench member who is going to perform at the level that’s needed.”
Philadelphia Mayor Cherelle L. Parker announces Carlton Williams as the new Philadelphia Managing Director, replacing Adam Thiel during a news conference at City Hall in Philadelphia on Tuesday, July 28, 2026.Jose F. Moreno / Staff Photographer
Once in office, Parker took nearly a full year to fill out her administration with appointments to key positions. She did not announce her selection of Kehinde “Kenny” Solanke to lead the Philadelphia Department of Behavioral Health and Intellectual disAbility Services, or DBHIDS, until July 2025, a year and a half into her tenure.
During that process, Parker said she was seeking the “best and brightest” and conducted national searches for some roles. A vast majority of her appointees, however, had strong ties to Philadelphia.
In 2024, when Parker was filling out her administration, she said she attended a training for new mayors at Harvard University. Some leaders from other cities, she said, were interested in recruiting Hayman, who had been appointed water commissioner by Kenney in 2019.
When Parker took office, it was unclear if she would keep Hayman in command of the water department. She announced she was retaining him in March 2024, and relayed the Harvard anecdote to demonstrate how Philly already had some of the country’s top public servants.
“He’s not going anywhere,” Parker said at the time. “We were able to hold on to some of the best talent in the nation.”
In July 2025, Hayman left Philadelphia to become the executive director of the New Orleans Sewerage and Water Board.
Staff writers Ryan W. Briggs and Anna Orso contributed to this article.
