Tag: topic-link-auto

  • Brandon Marsh stars in the commercial for Victus’ new cheesesteak-themed bat. It was filmed at Angelo’s in just one take.

    Brandon Marsh stars in the commercial for Victus’ new cheesesteak-themed bat. It was filmed at Angelo’s in just one take.

    King of Prussia-based baseball bat manufacturer Victus Sports was looking for a reason to do an advertisement with its client, Brandon Marsh. The Phillies outfielder’s stellar season — and first All-Star Game nod — gave Victus the perfect excuse.

    “He was just a perfect fit,” Victus marketing director Doug Trimble said. “Just personality-wise, and obviously being a Philly guy made the most sense. The stars just aligned that he ended up being one of the best hitters in baseball this year.”

    On Wednesday, Victus posted a teaser for the company’s new Philly Cheesesteak-inspired bat on X. The video shows Marsh, decked out in his full Phillies uniform, order a “Victus with onions” at Angelo’s Pizzeria. Marsh then walks out of the South Philly staple to unwrap an abnormally long sandwich. Grinning, the “wet bandit” reveals a Victus bat hidden under the parchment paper.

    In the background, customers look on in awe at Marsh, who looks like he walked straight out of the outfield.

    Those reactions were real. Between Marsh’s stringent schedule with the Phillies and Angelo’s limited hours, Victus decided it would be easiest to shoot the commercial quickly while the restaurant was open. The ad, along with a few shorter spots posted to social media, were completed in one-take.

    “It was a cool moment,” Trimble said. “[Marsh] thought it was cool. He had a blast the whole day. I was kind of just running through concepts with him, and he was down for all of it.”

    Phillies outfielder Brandon Marsh (right) carries Victus’ new cheesesteak-themed bat over his shoulder while a cook whips up the real thing on the griddle at Angelo’s.Courtesy of Victus Sports

    Why Angelo’s? Trimble will take the credit for picking the restaurant over the likes of a more nationally recognizable cheesesteak shop — like Pat’s or Geno’s.

    For one, Angelo’s steak on a seeded roll is his personal favorite. More important though, Trimble felt partnering with the pizzeria would show Victus is a brand that is true to the area. Philadelphians, as he pointed out, are usually more drawn to a place like Angelo’s than more traditional spots.

    “It’s just letting people know that we’re local to Philly,” Trimble said. “This is our hometown All-Star Game. Doing the whole collection with cheesesteaks and Marsh and the Phillies is just a part of that storytelling we’re trying to do.”

    Victus’ new cheesesteak-themed bat sits next to the real thing at Angelo’s in South Philly.Courtesy of Victus Sports

    When designing the bats themselves, there were also conversations around what type of steak they should resemble.

    Some wanted “whiz” on the bat while others wanted the cheese to resemble cooper sharp. Ultimately, the team decided to feature a more generic cheesesteak on the bat with “Philly” written on it with cheese.

    The bats, which were officially released on Friday, are currently for sale on Victus Sports’ website.

  • This Philly-based political firm is at the center of the Graham Platner fallout

    This Philly-based political firm is at the center of the Graham Platner fallout

    As Democrats grapple with the fallout from Graham Platner’s scandal-plagued and ultimately canceled bid for U.S. Senate in Maine, a political consulting firm that worked on his race and that’s been heavily involved in Pennsylvania politics is at the center of many of the party’s frustrations.

    FIGHT — a firm whose operatives were credited with helping elect U.S. Sen. John Fetterman in 2022 and that has worked on a pair of high-profile U.S. House races in Pennsylvania this year — has received a barrage of criticism as revelations about Platner’s past came to light in recent months.

    Members of the firm weren’t the only ones advising Platner’s campaign. National operatives such as Daniel Moraff, who has also worked in Pennsylvania, have also fielded criticism for recruiting and not thoroughly vetting Platner, an unknown political outsider.

    But both before and after the allegations of sexual assault that led to Platner’s exit from the race this week, other Democratic consultants and political observers blamed FIGHT for continuing to support him through multiple public setbacks.

    Platner’s issues have also reignited anger about and drawn parallels to Fetterman, another candidate who ran as a working-class progressive. The Pennsylvania Democrat has lost much of the support from the base that elected him as he’s more frequently sided with Republicans in ways that some have described as a betrayal. He has not been accused of the same types of issues that plagued Platner’s run.

    “I supported Graham at the beginning, despite the nagging voice in my head that kept saying ‘this feels familiar,’” Adam Jentleson, Fetterman’s first chief of staff who has become a staunch critic of the Pennsylvania Democrat, wrote on social media.

    Jentleson was among those who questioned the FIGHT agency and the rest of the Platner team’s work and its handling of the collapse.

    When Morris Katz, the FIGHT strategist on Platner’s campaign, said on social media that his team advised to end the campaign immediately after hearing the allegations Platner had raped a former girlfriend, Jentleson replied that the argument “strains credulity.” Platner and his team had continued to deny the allegations, Jentleson and others noted.

    “Shading a narrative toward the positive is standard, lying is not,” Jentleson wrote, comparing the experience to working with Fetterman.

    Fetterman, for his part, has heavily criticized Platner in recent months and celebrated his downfall this week.

    “You will only be remembered as the accused rapist that got pushed out of your election. … Go back under the rock that you came from,” Fetterman said Wednesday on Fox News.

    The Democratic Socialists of America, in a letter that mentioned the FIGHT staff’s work for Fetterman, called on candidates to refuse to work with Katz, The Intercept reported Friday.

    FIGHT declined to comment for this story.

    As Democrats look to regain their footing in this year’s midterm elections, the Platner saga and FIGHT’s role has also touched on the party’s broader goals of cultivating candidates who can win over the kinds of working-class voters President Donald Trump captured in recent years.

    Platner, an oyster farmer and former bartender who suffered PTSD after serving in the U.S. Marines, pitched himself as deeply in-tune with working class voters in Maine. It was the type of profile, many Democrats hoped, would lead to a victory over longtime Republican incumbent U.S. Sen. Susan Collins and help the party win control of the U.S. Senate.

    Democrats in Pennsylvania have taken a similar approach.

    In a Lehigh Valley-based congressional district considered one of the likeliest seats in the country to flip from Republican to Democrat, the party has rallied behind Bob Brooks, a union leader and retired firefighter who coaches high school baseball and drives a snowplow.

    “When you look at Brooks, one of the reasons he was recruited into this race and why Democrats have rallied around him is that there’s a belief that he might capture some of the [working-class Democratic] energy,” said Chris Borick, an adjunct professor of politics at Lehigh University.

    The FIGHT agency, which primarily makes candidates’ television ads, has worked on Brooks’ campaign as well as the campaign of Paige Cognetti, the Scranton mayor and Democratic nominee in the Scranton-based 8th Congressional District.

    There are no signs that Brooks or Cognetti are being advised by Katz, who has primarily worked on Platner’s campaign. In response to requests for comment Friday, Brooks’ campaign only confirmed that FIGHT makes its ads, and Cognetti’s campaign said, “Paige is glad Platner dropped out of the race.”

    The Pennsylvania candidates have not faced the same type of intense criticism for parts of their personal histories as Platner did throughout his 10-month campaign.

    Brooks’ opponents in the 7th Congressional District primary criticized him for old social media posts that, for instance, downplayed the role of guns in a mass shooting. Brooks said the posts were “silly, maybe stupid.” He, like Platner, also faced accusations that he could be “another John Fetterman,” given his background and similar appearance.

    Mike Mikus, a Pittsburgh-based Democratic strategist who has long opposed Fetterman, said Brooks was “the real deal” at a time when Democrats are “desperate” to correct their problem with white, working-class voters. Platner, on the other hand, appeared to be an “overcorrection” that involved consultants dismissing “obvious red flags,” Mikus said.

    He said FIGHT may lose some future clients because of the misstep, which he largely blamed on Moraff, a consultant who does not work for FIGHT and has also been widely criticized for recruiting Platner.

    “Everybody’s looking for authenticity,” Mikus said. “And you can’t workshop somebody into something they’re not.”

    Created after Trump and the Republican Party’s sweeping victories in 2024, the FIGHT agency’s pitch since its launch has focused on authenticity. Its candidates have reflected not just voters’ desires for candidates outside the traditional political establishment, but campaigns intent on fighting Trump and advancing economic populism. Zohran Mamdani, the Democratic socialist who won New York’s mayoral race in 2025, has marked their largest success to date.

    “Among progressives there’s a sense that the party has not been effective in trying to counter Trump … and we have to fight this battle internally in order to resist Trump,” said Stephen Medvic, an associate professor of government at Franklin and Marshall College. “So you’re getting groups in the last couple of years, like FIGHT Agency, being put together to try to tip the balance in their direction.”

    But their approach — finding someone who meets the profile and aligns with their ideology — may not necessarily always produce a winning formula. Limitations may depend on the type of assessment and vetting that goes into recruitment, he said.

    “You might get an AOC, but … you might get a Platner,” Medvic said. “A lot of Democrats are now regretting that they were so excited about Fetterman because he turned out to be something so different.”

  • Dodgers star Shohei Ohtani to miss All-Star Game, next mound start because of left knee irritation

    Dodgers star Shohei Ohtani to miss All-Star Game, next mound start because of left knee irritation

    Los Angeles Dodgers star Shohei Ohtani will miss Tuesday’s All-Star Game in Philadelphia because of continued irritation in his left knee.

    The Dodgers added that Ohtani would not make his scheduled start on the mound against the Arizona Diamondbacks on Friday night, but would continue his role as the team’s designated hitter throughout the weekend.

    The team says that after the series against the D-backs ends on Sunday, Ohtani will have some “interventions” done on his knee to get him ready for the second half of the season, which will cause him to miss the All-Star Game.

    The four-time Most Valuable Player has once again been one of the best players in the big leagues this season and stands alone as the game’s premier two-way player.

    Ohtani is batting .290 with 20 homers and 56 RBIs and is 8-2 on the mound with a 1.79 ERA and 95 strikeouts in 85⅔ innings.

    Ohtani’s absence will be a blow for baseball’s midsummer showcase at Citizens Bank Park. The Japanese star — who turned 32 years old earlier this week — is among the game’s most popular players and led MLB in jersey sales last year.

    He hit his 300th career homer on Tuesday night, a leadoff shot against Colorado Rockies pitcher Michael Lorenzen that made him the first Japanese-born player in the majors to reach the milestone.

  • Jaylen Brown boxes strangers in Morocco and gets help pitching LeBron James while at the World Cup

    Jaylen Brown boxes strangers in Morocco and gets help pitching LeBron James while at the World Cup

    It’s been a busy summer for new Sixer Jaylen Brown — and not just because he was part of one of the NBA offseason’s biggest moves.

    Brown also boxed on the streets of Morocco and attended the World Cup in Foxborough, Mass., near Boston, where he enlisted the help of YouTube star IShowSpeed to recruit free agent superstar LeBron James to Philly.

    Earlier this summer, Brown traveled to Morocco with former Celtics teammate Tacko Fall and on Thursday posted a video on YouTube documenting their time experiencing the nation’s food, animals, and culture. Brown held a snake around his neck and a monkey on his shoulder, played drums with a group of men, and handed out free smoothies.

    However, the most viral moment came when Brown took part in a friendly boxing session. A crowd quickly formed as Brown squared off in the street with a local, and cheers erupted as the NBA star showed off his skills.

    It’s unclear whether the impromptu boxing match came before or after Brown was traded to the Sixers on July 1, but it appears Brown was in Morocco for the recent PLYRS UNTD Africa Experience.

    During a livestream from inside the Boston Stadium (aka Gillette Stadium) during Morocco’s FIFA World Cup quarterfinal vs. France, Brown enlisted the help of internet personality IShowSpeed, an Ohio native whose real name is Darren Jason Watkins Jr., to send a message to James.

    “You gotta tell LeBron he’s gotta pull up, man. Pull up to Philly,” Brown said in the livestream.

    Watkins happily looked into the camera and told James, who reportedly has the Sixers, Cleveland Cavaliers, and Miami Heat among his top three teams, to join Brown and “PG13” in Philly. The only problem: Paul George isn’t on the team anymore.

    Brown corrected him that George had been traded to the Celtics in the deal that sent Brown to the Sixers. The exchange quickly spread on social media with fans poking fun at the streamer for not realizing George had been traded.

    Brown also seemed frustrated about the trade during the livestream.

    “It’s a crazy business, bro,” he said. “Don’t become a basketball player. There’s no loyalty, there’s no love. … They packed me up, sayonara chat, I’m out of here.”

    Brown hasn’t played a game for Philadelphia yet, but he’s certainly giving fans plenty to talk about.

  • Abington looks to ban e-bikes at parks and trails, citing safety concerns

    Abington looks to ban e-bikes at parks and trails, citing safety concerns

    Abington moved toward banning e-bikes and e-scooters at public parks and trails during Thursday’s commissioners meeting.

    A majority of Abington’s 15-member commissioner board voted to advance a proposed ban on electric vehicles from Abington park systems because of safety and disruption concerns, according to a summary of the proposal.

    The ban would not apply to electrified vehicles designed for people with disabilities, and would not cover county-owned sites such as Lorimer Park.

    The rise in popularity of small electric vehicles has led to crashes and fatalities across the region. Earlier this week, two people in Pottstown were sent to the hospital after an apparent collision between an e-bike and an e-scooter.

    But some Abington commissioners voted against the motion after local cyclists raised concern that the ban would be too broad.

    Many local cyclists want a narrower ban that still allows slower, lighter e-bikes, said Ross Abel of Bike Montgomery County.

    Pedal-assisted bikes help seniors and parents with young children reach parks, Abel said. A full ban “would really prevent them from getting out in nature on their bikes.”

    The Bicycle Coalition of Greater Philadelphia has argued that the slower e-bikes have been wrongly lumped together with powerful e-moto bikes that look similar but can cause more damage.

    Last year, a cyclist on Schuylkill River Trail near Norristown was hit by an unregistered electric motorcycle, leaving him with a partially dissected artery in his neck.

    State law differentiates e-bikes from vehicles that require a license, like motorcycles. But unlike many e-bike manufacturers, Pennsylvania does not distinguish different e-bikes by power and top speed. And in practice, distinctions can be murky.

    Police responding to the Norristown collision appeared to view the faster vehicle as an e-bike, referring to the e-moto rider as “the other cyclist.”

    That trouble telling the bikes apart is exactly why some argue a narrower ban would be impractical for township staff to enforce, Abington commissioner John Spiegelman said.

    Though Abington’s commissioners have 60 days to finalize the ban once it’s advertised, some are already considering revisions.

    “I’ve been trying to think of some kind of workable compromise that accommodates all parties’ concerns,” Spiegelman said, “while ultimately protecting the folks in our parks and on our trails, including young kids, from injury.”

    This suburban content is produced with support from the Leslie Miller and Richard Worley Foundation and The Lenfest Institute for Journalism. Editorial content is created independently of the project donors. Gifts to support The Inquirer’s high-impact journalism can be made at inquirer.com/donate. A list of Lenfest Institute donors can be found at lenfestinstitute.org/supporters.

  • Man wanted for Puerto Rico homicide arrested in Philadelphia

    Man wanted for Puerto Rico homicide arrested in Philadelphia

    A 25-year-old man wanted in Puerto Rico in connection with a homicide was arrested Thursday in Philadelphia, the U.S. Marshals Service said.

    Keimy Colon-Medina was arrested on the 500 block of East Godfrey Avenue in the city’s Crescentville section, the U.S. Marshals Service in Philadelphia said.

    Colon-Medina allegedly was involved with a homicide by firearm on Jan. 28 in Patillas, a beach town on the southeast corner of the island territory, the agency said.

    A murder warrant was issued June 9 and assigned to the U.S. Marshals Puerto Rico Fugitive Task Force. The arrest in Philadelphia was conducted by the U.S. Marshals Service and Philadelphia police.

    No further information about the case was immediately available.

  • Freedom Fuel stations across the Philly region offer cheap gas, feature local owners, and raise ethical concerns

    Freedom Fuel stations across the Philly region offer cheap gas, feature local owners, and raise ethical concerns

    Across the Philadelphia region, former Sunoco, Karco, and Gas N Go stations with makeshift Freedom Fuel Network signs have been selling less-expensive gas to drivers for about a week.

    Who is behind the 25 gas stations selling Freedom Fuel in the Philadelphia region, and how they are able to offer gas 40 to 50 cents cheaper than nearby stations, remains unclear.

    The effort has been promoted by both the White House and President Donald Trump, raising ethics concerns from the public and government watchdogs.

    Richard Painter, who served for two years as chief White House ethics lawyer in the George W. Bush administration, said it is within a business owner’s First Amendment right to sell cheap gas, possibly at a loss, to “improve the image of the president and help the country through a national crisis.”

    “The ethical issue is the involvement of the Trump administration,” he said, pointing to federal regulations that set standards of conduct for executive branch employees. “They simply can’t endorse it or have anything to do with it.”

    An entity called “Freedom Fuel Network LLC,” based in Delaware, applied for a trademark on July 1. That same day, Trump promoted the network, saying on his Truth Social account that it was being run by a “very smart retailer.”

    There are no businesses registered in either Pennsylvania or New Jersey under the name Freedom Fuel Network.

    The White House did not respond to multiple requests to identify or provide contact information for the owners. A White House spokesperson would say only that it is a private company that is not purchasing gas at a discount or receiving government money.

    Anna Vishev, the attorney who filed the Freedom Fuel Network trademark application, said she would pass inquiries along to her client, but The Inquirer never heard back.

    A Freedom Fuel-branded station on Rt. 73 in Marlton, N.J.Lacey Latch / staff

    Due to tight profit margins, stations that sell cheaper gas usually focus on making up the difference in other ways, such as convenience stores and car washes, according to Jeff Lenard, spokesperson for the National Association of Convenience Stores, a trade organization representing retail fuel outlets.

    That does not appear to be the case at many of the Freedom Fuel Network stores Inquirer reporters visited in recent days. One location in Brookhaven, Delaware County, had an inoperable convenience store. Several were very small, appeared somewhat rundown, and offered a very limited selection of products.

    “It’s difficult to see how these stations are making money,” Lenard said. “Those types of stations tend to be more dependent on gas margins.”

    Lenard said it is possible the Freedom Fuel Network branding is a temporary promotion, which is not unheard of in the fuel industry. T-Mobile partnered with Shell last month to offer $1.99-a-gallon gas at stations in Los Angeles, Houston, and Chicago as part of an anniversary promotion.

    Some Freedom Fuel stations were already raising gas prices by the end of the week, including in Bensalem, where gas was $3.57 a gallon Friday.

    While questions remain about the owners and structure of the Freedom Fuel Network, Lenard said gasoline is a highly regulated industry and drivers should not worry about purchasing fuel from lesser-known brands.

    “There shouldn’t be an issue with gas quality,” Lenard said. “When fuel comes out of the refinery, there’s nothing that says it’s BP gas, it’s Wawa gas. … It’s all blended together.”

    A small network of local owners and past issues with stations

    Freedom Fuel Network branding is draped over a Gas n’ Go sign at a station on Edgmont Avenue in Brookhaven.Rob Tornoe / staff

    Inquirer reporters reached out to the parcel owners, lessees, and LLCs connected to at least 19 of the gas stations. Most calls and messages went unanswered, and, on two occasions, reporters were directed to the Freedom Fuel website by LLC affiliates. In-person queries were also unsuccessful, with store attendants saying they were unaware of the origins of the branding change or unauthorized to talk about the matter.

    The opaqueness behind a private operation receiving White House promotion has drawn considerable scrutiny online and even an in-person protester at a Montgomery County location.

    “Who is paying for this[?]” read a man’s sign last week.

    By the end of the week, Freedom Fuel offered limited remarks through the venture’s website, saying it had “answered President Trump’s call to action to lower prices at the pump.” It went on to dismiss unspecified “misinformation and baseless speculation circulating.”

    “As a result of lowering prices, 25 gas stations have experienced explosive growth — an average volume increase of more than 50 percent, with several locations surging over 100 percent,” said the message.

    The company did not expand on how the operation came to be or how the discounts work, but at least two clusters of network participants have shared ownership ties, with one of the clusters promoting its participation on social media.

    A local Karco Gas Instagram account highlighted the Freedom Fuel transformation in its stories — at least two of its locations in Philadelphia and one in Bensalem are part of the network.

    The Freedom Fuel site in Bensalem has ties to Cherry Hill developer Shamikh Kazmi, who is listed as president of Diwan Petrol Inc. The business was ensnared in a lengthy trademark dispute with BP America Inc. and BP Products North America Inc. in 2021.

    After the business failed to fully comply with a judge’s order to remove BP signage, four deputies with the U.S. Marshals Service seized remaining brand signs in June 2022, according to court documents.

    Kazmi could not be reached for comment, but in February announced plans to expand his Yum Grills venture to 15 locations in the Philadelphia region, including a gas station in Eagleville, Montgomery County, that is also part of the Freedom Fuel Network.

    At least five other network locations are run by members of a family that operates gas stations in the region under various LLCs, including Syan I Inc., Syan Investment LLC, and Fernwood Realty Co.

    The only other time one of the five locations across Delaware County and Philadelphia drew media attention was in 2021, when the Gas N Go in Brookhaven experienced an unknown problem with fuel delivery. The subsequent oil spill resulted in dozens of dead frogs, turtles, fish, and a fox along a nearby waterway.

    Another Freedom Fuel station, this one in the Nicetown section of Philadelphia, had been embroiled in a trademark dispute that ended with a judge ordering the removal of all Phillips 66 branding and a $20,000 judgment against KRSM Inc. and site owner Riar HR LLC in May.

    An attorney for the defendants was not listed on the docket and calls to the owner of Riar HR LLC went unreturned.

    How promotions have changed during the Trump era

    Painter, who is now a law professor at the University of Minnesota, noted that stringent ethics rules have been in place since the Watergate scandal that limit using a public office to endorse any companies or organizations, whether they are private or nonprofits.

    That is why Painter was vocal about concerns regarding the creation of the Penn Biden Center for Diplomacy and Global Engagement in 2017. When Joe Biden became president-elect, he encouraged his transition team to have the University of Pennsylvania drop the name to avoid the appearance of impropriety when the university raised funds for the center. That never happened.

    Still, Trump and his administrations have taken very different approach to these ethics rules since his first term in office.

    “We’ve seen multiple instances in which this president has chosen to endorse, in his official capacity, private companies and private organizations,” Painter said. “This is something I would have absolutely insisted not happen under the Bush administration.”

    Earlier this term, Trump turned the White House lawn into a Tesla showroom, and just last week, Dell Technologies shares soared after he promoted the company in the Oval Office.

    For now, questions about Freedom Fuel’s structure and ties to the Trump administration continue to spark anger, skepticism, and curiosity.

    “Customers are asking. We tell them to visit the website,” said Mike R., a manager of a few Freedom Fuel stations in Delaware County who declined to be fully identified, citing concern over his privacy. ”Frankly, I have no information.”

    Meanwhile, Ankit Modi, the owner of a Sunoco franchise in Bensalem for the last 15 years, said the low prices of a Freedom Fuel station next door were hurting his business.

    “People see the lower price and just go there,” Modi said. “I don’t know how it works.”

    Modi said the Freedom Fuel signs looked temporary, and he had expected the station to revert to Karco following the Fourth of July. That has not happened. On Friday, Freedom Fuel was selling gas for 43 cents a gallon less than Modi’s Sunoco.

    “I’m making just eight to 10 cents in profit [per gallon], so how are they able to sell for less without government help?” Modi said. “It’s shady and unheard of.”

    Back in North Philadelphia, the lack of information was not stopping drivers from pulling in and filling up their tanks.

    “It doesn’t matter to me where it comes from if I see a good price,” said Jorge Mejia, who pumped gas into his car and had no clue what made the gas cheap. “I just hope it’s good.”

  • Delco working to restore county services after ‘a sophisticated cybercriminal attack’

    Delco working to restore county services after ‘a sophisticated cybercriminal attack’

    The intrusion into Delaware County’s network systems in late June — disrupting services for county residents — was part of “sophisticated cybercriminal attack.”

    Several attempts for unauthorized access were blocked by county infrastructure, but hackers were able to gain “limited access to the County’s network and to access data maintained within the network,” the county government said in a news release Friday.

    The county says it shut down its networks after the June 26 attack to safeguard county data, systems, and other sensitive information, but officials are still investigating the extent of the breach in tandem with cybersecurity experts.

    The county’s internal networks are now up and running, and Delco said it is working to reinstate external-facing county services in the coming days.

    Soon after the intrusion, residents felt the impact to daily county services, such as completing routine procedures at the courthouse.

    The county first confirmed the hack to the general public on July 2.

    “It is unfortunate that this attack has impacted services to residents, and we appreciate their patience and understanding,” the county said Friday. “We must ensure the safety of our network and data before full restoration of services.”

    The incident marks the second time in roughly six years where the county’s systems have been breached. In November 2020, Delaware County was hit by a ransomware attack via a phishing email. Hackers stole sensitive information and the county ended up having to pay $25,000 to resolve the issue.

    Delaware County says since that 2020 incident that “substantial protections” have been put in place.

    “Those protections proved valuable in this instance, as numerous attempts to establish a larger intrusion into County systems were repeatedly blocked, greatly limiting the extent of the interference,” the county said.

  • MLB All-Star Game events will close some roads in Philly

    MLB All-Star Game events will close some roads in Philly

    Philadelphia’s packed summer slate continues with MLB All-Star Week, a five-day run of baseball events in South Philly and Center City that caps off with All-Star Game at Citizens Bank Park next week.

    And in addition to crowds of baseball fans, the occasion is also slated to bring a number of road closures and parking restrictions over the next few days.

    Officially, it all kicks off Friday at Citizens Bank Park with the HBCU Swingman Classic, a game that features 50 players from Division 1 historically Black colleges and universities. Events will run throughout the weekend and Monday ahead of the main event Tuesday.

    Here is what you need to know:

    Planned road closures

    Road closures kick off Friday afternoon in the area of Sixth and Market Streets for the Budweiser Clydesdales Hitch Parade. That event will close Sixth Street between Market and Chestnut Streets from 3 p.m. to 6 p.m., and additional rolling closures are expected to be implemented along the parade route between Sixth and Seventh Streets, and Walnut and Market Streets.

    Sunday brings a nighttime drone show that will see road closures on and around Eakins Oval from 9 p.m. to 10 p.m. Those closures will affect:

    • All lanes of Eakins Oval
    • Kelly Drive from Eakins Oval to Fairmount Avenue
    • Anne d’Harnoncourt Drive
    • The I-76 eastbound off-ramp at Spring Garden Street

    On Monday, Independence Mall will see road closures starting at 5 a.m. to accommodate building out the MLB Red Carpet Show. Set to be in place through midnight, those closures will impact:

    • Fifth Street between Market and Chestnut Streets
    • Ludlow Street between Fourth and Fifth Streets
    • Randstead Street between Fourth and Fifth Streets

    Independence Mall will remain tied up Tuesday for the MLB Red Carpet show itself, with closures again in place from 5 a.m. to midnight. Those closures will affect:

    • Fifth and Sixth Streets from Arch to Walnut Streets
    • Market and Chestnut Streets from Fourth to Seventh Streets
    • Ranstead and Sansom Streets from Sixth Street to Seventh Streets

    Philadelphia police, the city said, may institute additional closures in the interest of public safety.

    Parking restrictions

    All roads affected by closures will also be temporary no-parking zones, the city said. If vehicles are parked in those locations during the times they are closed, the vehicles will be moved.

    Drivers who may have had their cars moved should contact the police district of the area where their vehicle was parked, the city said.

    Other closures

    The Autopark parking garage at Independence Mall, located near Sixth and Arch Streets, will be closed starting at 11:59 p.m. Monday, the city said. Its Fifth Street exit will stay open for vehicles to leave and move, and all vehicles must be moved by 5 a.m. Tuesday.

    Additionally, the Philadelphia Independence Visitor Center will be closed to the public starting at noon on Tuesday, the city said.

    Public transportation

    To accommodate fans heading to Citizens Bank Park, SEPTA will run six additional express trains on the Broad Street Line, also known as the B Line, to NRG Station before and after the Home Run Derby and All-Star Game Monday and Tuesday.

    Free rides on the line from NRG Station will also be available at select times during those events. Free rides begin after the second round of the Home Run Derby on Monday, and after the sixth inning of the All-Star Game Tuesday, the city said.

  • Pa. lawmakers moonlight as lawyers, landlords, and even as a pilot. Advocates say it’s a conflict of interest.

    Pa. lawmakers moonlight as lawyers, landlords, and even as a pilot. Advocates say it’s a conflict of interest.

    When she’s not serving in the Pennsylvania House, State Rep. Marla Brown is teaching 13 fitness classes a week at the local YMCA.

    From cycling to core strength to high intensity hit lessons, the pressure of the state legislature transformed the Lawrence County Republican’s former fitness hobby into another job, squeezed in the morning, in the evening and on weekends between political commitments.

    “It keeps my mind healthy and active and engaged,” said Brown (R., Lawrence). “I think that’s vitally important in any career, and especially in politics where there’s so much negativity.”

    More than half of the General Assembly reports an outside business interest or alternative forms of income, according to an analysis of all 251 state lawmakers’ statements of financial interest by The Inquirer. They moonlight as attorneys, company executives, property managers, farmers, and other roles when they’re not in session.

    Local government reform advocates say public officials are inevitably influenced by the money they make on the side. Advocates from Rock the Capital and MarchOnHarrisburg have pushed for changes to moonlighting law, calling for bans on what they consider to be conflicts of interest.

    While there are few restrictions to private employment for legislators across the country, the majority of states don’t allow their legislators to work secondary jobs in the public sector, like government or public school positions. New York imposes a cap on earnings from legislators’ outside earned income. Pennsylvania hasn’t pursued any sanctions or caps on outside employment, public or private. Not all state legislators earning outside income are making working wages — more than 40 lawmakers earn passive income as landlords.

    Because the Pennsylvania Ethics Commission requires elected officials to report their businesses regardless of their earnings, it is difficult to say how many legislators are truly making significant profits on the side.

    State Sen. Jarrett Coleman (R., Lehigh) is an airline captain for JetBlue Airways. State Rep. Kathleen Tomlinson (R., Bucks) is a funeral director. State Sen. Jimmy Dillon (D., Philadelphia) runs a children’s basketball academy. State Rep. Dan Williams (D., Chester) is the senior pastor of New Life in Christ Fellowship in Coatesville.

    (function() {
    var l2 = function() {
    new pym.Parent(‘moonlighting_house’,
    ‘https://media.inquirer.com/storage/inquirer/projects/innovation/arcgis_iframe/moonlighting_house.html’);
    };
    if (typeof(pym) === ‘undefined’) {
    var h = document.getElementsByTagName(‘head’)[0],
    s = document.createElement(‘script’);
    s.type = ‘text/javascript’;
    s.src = ‘https://pym.nprapps.org/pym.v1.min.js’;
    s.onload = l2;
    h.appendChild(s);
    } else {
    l2();
    }
    })();

    Pennsylvania is the third highest-paid legislature in the country with a $106,000 annual salary for lawmakers. California and New York legislators make more, but reform advocates say Pennsylvania’s $181 per diem and other benefits likely push the state’s lawmakers to the top in terms of overall compensation.

    With six-figure compensation, Pennsylvania lawmakers are much better off than the average state legislator in the country making $43,494 annually (New Hampshire lawmakers are the lowest-paid at just $100 a year).

    Even so, the Pennsylvania General Assembly gathers fewer than 50 days a year, giving some members time to partake in personal endeavors, which has raised ethical concerns among advocates.

    “You either work for the people or you work for yourself,” said Michael Pollack, executive director of MarchOnHarrisburg, one of the groups pushing for reforms.

    Here’s what state legislators do in their free time, according to their 2023 Statements of Financial Interest.

    Pennsylvania legislator side hustles

    State legislators play a big part in making housing and rent law, but Pennsylvania has no rules limiting or banning legislators from acting as landlords, or in any career appealing to them.

    At least 40 state legislators earn income from rental properties or property management businesses across the Commonwealth. Another nine legislators work as executives for property insurance and realty companies.

    Of those serving in the state House and Senate’s housing committees, at least 11 legislators report income from rental properties or realty companies last year. These committees vote on legislation directly affecting renters, including amendments to Pennsylvania’s Landlord and Tenant Act.

    !function(){“use strict”;window.addEventListener(“message”,(function(a){if(void 0!==a.data[“datawrapper-height”]){var e=document.querySelectorAll(“iframe”);for(var t in a.data[“datawrapper-height”])for(var r=0;r<e.length;r++)if(e[r].contentWindow===a.source){var i=a.data["datawrapper-height"][t]+"px";e[r].style.height=i}}}))}();

    Not all landlord legislators rent out properties to their constituents, though.

    Sen. Frank Farry (R., Bucks), the majority chair of the Senate Urban Affairs & Housing committee, quadruples as a senator, attorney, fire chief, and rental property owner. Rather than traveling to and from the Capitol, he owns a Harrisburg rowhouse that he shares with other legislators during session. He also leases his former home to his in-laws in Langhorne.

    When his daughter moved to Pittsburgh, rather than moving into the newly flipped house he made for her, Rep. Jim Rigby (who DJs for friends and family) decided to rent the property out to local medical students. He says he has yet to break even on the cost.

    Attorneys make up another large chunk of the bucket, with more than 15% of the General Assembly working for law firms. Lawyers have a long-held tradition of dominating American politics, and the story is no different in Pennsylvania.

    Farry, an attorney with Begley, Carlin & Mandio, said he hasn’t set foot in a courtroom in years, but he still gives legal advice over the phone and never from his state Senate office.

    “There needs to be boundaries between my legal job and my Senate job,” Farry said, uncertain that others in the state legislature adhere to the same separations.

    (function() {
    var l2 = function() {
    new pym.Parent(‘moonlighting_senate’,
    ‘https://media.inquirer.com/storage/inquirer/projects/innovation/arcgis_iframe/moonlighting_senate.html’);
    };
    if (typeof(pym) === ‘undefined’) {
    var h = document.getElementsByTagName(‘head’)[0],
    s = document.createElement(‘script’);
    s.type = ‘text/javascript’;
    s.src = ‘https://pym.nprapps.org/pym.v1.min.js’;
    s.onload = l2;
    h.appendChild(s);
    } else {
    l2();
    }
    })();

    The ethics of attorneys-turned-lawmakers working for outside legal clients has been scrutinized for years. Legislators actively practicing could, in theory, meddle in laws affecting their clients, a worry of good government advocates.

    Sen. Gene Yaw (R., Lycoming) moonlights as an attorney for Williamsport-based McCormick Law Firm, which represents gas companies and practices environmental law. Yaw is the majority chair of the state Senate Environmental Resources & Energy committee.

    His firm also has represented Pace-O-Matic, the Georgia-based company dominating the skill games industry. In May, Yaw introduced the Skill Video Gaming Act, which would regulate and tax skill games in the commonwealth. Miele Manufacturing, which produces the systems for Pace-O-Matic in Pennsylvania, occupies Yaw’s district. Yaw did not return requests for comment.

    Pollack, MarchOnHarrisburg’s executive director, said Yaw’s legal side job is “absolutely ridiculous and corrupt as can be” and called for legislators to choose a side of the fence.

    Reform advocates say jobs in law, property management, and big business can create conflicts of interest for legislators.

    But lawmakers’ business interests aren’t confined to those industries. Eight lawmakers work in agriculture. Several others work in health, education, and the Pennsylvania National Guard. Personal businesses range from lake resorts to custom gunsmiths to farm animal pregnancy testing.

    “If you have two skis, and both skis are going in different directions, it’s hard to stay focused,” said Rock the Capital founder Eric Epstein, an advocate for reform.

    Questions remain about Pennsylvania lawmakers’ business interests

    Even if they’re not active in the company, Mary J. Fox, the executive director of the state Ethics Commission, said filers must report their businesses “whether they make money or not.”

    This means that legislators who own businesses that haven’t operated in years still must claim the job, making it unclear at times whether lawmakers are active employees.

    Rep. Michael Schlossberg (D., Lehigh) still must claim his iPhone trivia game company and author website, despite not earning income from either in years. Rep. Perry Warren (D., Bucks), a former ice cream truck driver in Long Beach Island, still claims his business Ice Cream and Dreams despite his last truck being sold in 2017.

    While some lawmakers continue operations as usual, others leave their co-owners, usually spouses, to continue the business while they serve or shut down their work altogether.

    “When I ran for office and got elected, my wife told everybody she fired me because I stopped showing up for work,” said Sen. Timothy Kearney (D., Delaware), the co-owner of architectural firm Cueto-Kearney Architects.

    Lawmakers do not have to report how much they make from their businesses or rental properties, even if they are actively employed. It is unclear how much any legislator is making outside of the General Assembly.

    “Is it a million dollars? Is it a thousand dollars? We’d like to know,” Pollack said.

    Lawmakers who take up other fields say the quality of their legislative work depends on their time spent in public service elsewhere.

    “It’s really a way to stay grounded in reality. One of the problems with being an elected official is you don’t stay connected with what’s going on in the real world,” said Rep. Arvind Venkat (D., Allegheny), an emergency physician working weekend night shifts from 11 p.m. to 7 a.m.

    Farry says firefighting helped him understand his role as the chair of the Fire and Emergency Caucus when he served in the House, even as his staff called him crazy for working 70 hours a week.

    “It was more important to be there and help out, in my mind,” Farry said. “I’ll make up the sleep at some point.”

    Sarah Nicell is an intern with the Pennsylvania Legislative Correspondents Association. They can be reached at snicell@inquirer.com.